They are typically chosen because they represent the target market or demographic being studied.
Focus groups are a very popular type of research method that’s used in virtually every sector, from tech to academia, and marketing to political science.
Focus groups are a great choice if you want to go deep into a particular topic. If surveys are a brilliant tool for understanding what someone feels about something, focus groups help us to explore why – which is why the two work great in tandem. Focus groups give us an opportunity to capture the human element – the emotions and non-verbal cues that numbers often miss – and help us to explore underlying motivations.
Here are some of the most common focus group use cases.
If you’ve got a new product or concept in the works, a focus group can provide valuable feedback before you launch it into the market. You can get a sense of how people might react to it, what they like or dislike, and any improvements they might suggest.
In fact, focus groups are often used by brands to improve on and even co-create products in real time, with concepts discussed and iterated over the course of the session.
Focus groups are a great market research tool to help you better understand why customers think and behave the way they do. If, for example, a product isn’t selling as expected, a focus group with your customers can shine light on their barriers to purchase.
Beyond current customers, businesses can also use focus groups to better understand new prospects and bring their target customer segments to life.
Before you invest a lot of money into a marketing or advertising campaign, you could use a focus group to test your messaging and visuals. Once any tweaks are made, you should be left with a campaign that will better resonate with your target audience.
Focus groups are great when you don’t know what you don’t know. If you’re entering a new market or targeting a new customer segment, they can help you explore and understand the landscape.
Sometimes, numbers and stats don’t tell the whole story. If you have quantitative data but want to delve deeper into the ‘why’ and ‘how’, focus groups are a great way to do that.
Focus groups can provide rich, qualitative insights that quantitative research methods might miss. But it’s important to remember that they aren’t right for every situation.
If you need to make definitive conclusions about a large population, a quantitative survey will be a better option. The same applies if you’re focusing on sensitive topics that people may not feel comfortable discussing in a group setting, such as financial or health matters.
At the end of the day, the best research method for your use case really depends on your specific goals, who you’re collecting insights from and the nature of the information you’re seeking.
Focus groups can take different forms depending on the objectives of the study, the participants, and the nature of the topic being discussed. Ranging from the common to the seldom used, here are the different types of focus group methods.
The classic focus group format: a moderator leads a discussion among a group of participants about a particular topic.
Here one group watches another , observing the discussion, interactions and conclusions. This format is used to provide additional insights and a deeper understanding of the topic.
A focus group with two moderators. One ensures the session runs along smoothly; the other makes sure all topics are covered. The aim of this format is to create a more comprehensive discussion.
Like dual moderator focus groups in that there are two moderators, but here the moderators take opposing viewpoints on the topic. The purpose of this format is to help the participants consider and discuss a wider range of points.
Where one respondent – or several – plays the role of moderator. This format counters the unintentional bias that can come from a single moderator, and encourages variety in the discussion,
Exactly as they sound, mini focus groups involve fewer participants than usual. These smaller groups – typically made up of 4 to 5 participants – are well suited to complex topics.
There are also focus groups involving two participants and a moderator – known as dyads – and groups with three participants and a moderator, which are known as triads.
An online focus group. This format is a great way to give your research a wider geographical reach and access a greater pool of people.
The focus groups that generate the best insights are often those that are planned best. Here’s our guide for every step of the process.
The first step is to identify what you want to learn from the focus group. Are you testing a new product or exploring consumer behavior? Maybe you’re seeking feedback on a marketing campaign or getting to know a new target market?
If planning is the key ingredient for a great focus group, a good moderator is a close second.
The moderator is the most important person in the room, and needs to be someone who can facilitate discussions, manage a group of strangers, and keep the conversation on track and be able to elicit the feedback desired..
The most important consideration here is how you create a comfortable, non-judgmental environment where participants feel safe to share their thoughts and opinions.
And you also need to answer the big question: in-person or online? In-person sessions typically enable better conversation and group chemistry, while online focus groups give you access to a much bigger, broader pool of potential participants.
Next, work out who you need to participate in the focus group to reach your goal. Whatever your target audience is, you want the respondents to meet the baseline criteria – noting that the ideal size for a focus group is typically between 6 and 8 participants, and that none of your participants should know each other.
Once you’ve worked out who you want there, you need to recruit them. This is often done via ads, invitations to your CMS database or a third party. Incentives, like cash or gift cards, are typically used to encourage participation.
In tandem with step four, it’s time for the moderator to develop a document that will guide the discussion. Based on your research goal or goals, this guide should include a list of focus group questions or topics you want to cover during the session, and strike a good balance between structured and flexible – so you can gather the data you need while not discouraging spontaneous conversation.
The big day has arrived. With everything in place, all you need to do is make sure that every participant is given an opportunity to speak.
Don’t forget to record the focus group (with the participants’ consent) and make efforts to capture non-verbal cues from participants.
Debrief after each session to understand your key findings, and if necessary, edit the discussion guide for future focus groups based on your learnings and observations so far.
Now’s time to transcribe your recordings and analyse them for key themes and insights. The aim here is to interpret your findings in the context of your initial goal.
It’s best practice to present your key focus group results and findings in a report, alongside recommendations based on them.
The ideal size of a focus group is generally said to fall between 6 and 8 participants .Why is this the sweet spot? Because it’s small enough to ensure that everyone has a chance to speak and share their views, but large enough to provide a variety of perspectives.
That said, the goal of your research and the topic(s) you’re focusing on can change things. For instance, if the topic is particularly complex or sensitive, a smaller group may be better.
If you have a larger pool of potential focus group attendees, best practice would be to split them up and conduct multiple focus groups, instead of one focus group with too many people.
Focus groups and in-depth interviews are two of the most popular forms of qualitative research . They do, however, differ in what they can bring to your research – which is why they’re often used in tandem to answer a single research question.
Focus groups are designed to encourage interaction between a collection of people, often revealing insights that may not surface in a one-on-one conversation. They give researchers an opportunity to observe group dynamics and how individuals influence each other and can be influenced themselves.
A big advantage of focus groups is their efficiency – in one session you can gather a broad range of insights from multiple individuals.
In-depth interviews are one-on-one discussions between a researcher and participant.
Whereas focus groups are by definition a group discussion, in-depth interviews provide a more personal and detailed exploration of an individual’s perspectives and experiences. Because of this, interviews are great for sensitive or personal topics, and the interviewee won’t be as influenced by others when giving their honest opinions – which is a risk with focus groups.
Another benefit of in-depth interviews is that the researcher/interviewer has greater control over the conversation, which gives you a greater chance of covering all topics thoroughly.
Like any research method, focus groups come with a variety of pros and cons that are typically associated with any type of qualitative research.
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Focus groups bring individuals from the study population together in a specific setting in order to discuss an issue as a group. The discussion generates research data.
Focus groups typically have these features:
Researchers conduct several individual focus group meetings to produce a series. The number of focus groups in the series depends on the study’s aim, methods and resources.
Focus groups use a group setting to generate data different to that obtained in a one-to-one interview. The group context may allow for better examination of beliefs, attitudes, values, perspectives, knowledge and ideas.
Focus groups can be useful in action research methodology and other study designs which seek to empower research participants. Focus groups are also useful in multimethod studies utilising different forms of data collection.
Harrison, M., Ryan, T., Gardiner, C., & Jones, A. (2017). Psychological and emotional needs, assessment, and support post-stroke: a multi-perspective qualitative study . Top Stroke Rehabil, 24 (2), 119-125. doi: 10.1080/10749357.2016.1196908
Shilubane, H. N., Ruiter, R. A., Bos, A. E., Reddy, P. S., & van den Borne, B. (2014). High school students' knowledge and experience with a peer who committed or attempted suicide: a focus group study . BMC Public Health, 14 , 1081. doi: 10.1186/1471-2458-14-1081
Wiles, J. L., Leibing, A., Guberman, N., Reeve, J., & Allen, R. E. (2012). The meaning of "aging in place" to older people . Gerontologist , 52(3), 357-366. doi: 10.1093/geront/gnr098
Kitzinger, J. (1995). Qualitative research: introducing focus groups . BMJ, 311 (7000), 299. doi: 10.1136/bmj.311.7000.299
Rice, P. L., & Ezzy, D. (1999). Qualitative research methods: a health focus . South Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press.
Focus groups.
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Saul McLeod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.
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A focus group is a qualitative research method that involves facilitating a small group discussion with participants who share common characteristics or experiences that are relevant to the research topic. The goal is to gain insights through group conversation and observation of dynamics.
Focus groups allow researchers to gather perspectives from multiple people at once in an interactive group setting. This group dynamic surfaces richer responses as participants build on each other’s comments, discuss issues in-depth, and voice agreements or disagreements.
It is important that participants feel comfortable expressing diverse viewpoints rather than being pressured into a consensus.
Focus groups emerged as an alternative to questionnaires in the 1930s over concerns that surveys fostered passive responses or failed to capture people’s authentic perspectives.
During World War II, focus groups were used to evaluate military morale-boosting radio programs. By the 1950s focus groups became widely adopted in marketing research to test consumer preferences.
A key benefit K. Merton highlighted in 1956 was grouping participants with shared knowledge of a topic. This common grounding enables people to provide context to their experiences and allows contrasts between viewpoints to emerge across the group.
As a result, focus groups can elicit a wider range of perspectives than one-on-one interviews.
Clarify the purpose and orientation of the focus group (Tracy, 2013). Carefully consider whether a focus group or individual interviews will provide the type of qualitative data needed to address your research questions.
Determine if the interactive, fast-paced group discussion format is aligned with gathering perspectives vs. in-depth attitudes on a topic.
Consider incorporating special techniques like extended focus groups with pre-surveys, touchstones using creative imagery/metaphors to focus the topic, or bracketing through ongoing conceptual inspection.
A touchstone in a focus group refers to using a shared experience, activity, metaphor, or other creative technique to provide a common reference point and orientation for grounding the discussion.
The purpose of Mulvale et al. (2021) was to understand the hospital experiences of youth after suicide attempts.
The researchers created a touchstone to focus the discussion specifically around the hospital visit. This provided a shared orientation for the vulnerable participants to open up about their emotional journeys.
In the example from Mulvale et al. (2021), the researchers designated the hospital visit following suicide attempts as the touchstone. This means:
So in this case, the touchstone concentrated the dialogue around a common catalyst experience enabling youth to build understanding, voice difficulties, and potentially find healing through sharing their journey with empathetic peers who had endured the same trauma.
Select a homogeneous grouping characteristic (Krueger & Casey, 2009) to recruit participants with a commonality, like shared roles, experiences, or demographics, to enable meaningful discussion.
A sample size of between 6 to 10 participants allows for adequate mingling (MacIntosh 1993).
More members may diminish the ability to capture all viewpoints. Fewer risks limited diversity of thought.
Balance recruitment across income, gender, age, and cultural factors to increase heterogeneity in perspectives. Consider screening criteria to qualify relevant participants.
Choosing focus group participants requires balancing homogeneity and diversity – too much variation across gender, class, profession, etc., can inhibit sharing, while over-similarity limits perspectives. Groups should feel mutual comfort and relevance of experience to enable open contributions while still representing a mix of viewpoints on the topic (Morgan 1988).
Mulvale et al. (2021) determined grouping by gender rather than age or ethnicity was more impactful for suicide attempt experiences.
They fostered difficult discussions by bringing together male and female youth separately based on the sensitive nature of topics like societal expectations around distress.
Designate a skilled, neutral moderator (Crowe, 2003; Morgan, 1997) to steer productive dialogue given their expertise in guiding group interactions. Consider cultural insider moderators positioned to foster participant sharing by understanding community norms.
Define moderator responsibilities like directing discussion flow, monitoring air time across members, and capturing observational notes on behaviors/dynamics.
Choose whether the moderator also analyzes data or only facilitates the group.
Mulvale et al. (2021) designated a moderator experienced working with marginalized youth to encourage sharing by establishing an empathetic, non-judgmental environment through trust-building and active listening guidance.
Develop an extensive focus group guide (Krueger & Casey, 2009). Include an introduction to set a relaxed tone, explain the study rationale, review confidentiality protection procedures, and facilitate a participant introduction activity.
Also include guidelines reiterating respect, listening, and sharing principles both verbally and in writing.
The group context introduces distinct ethical demands around informed consent, participant expectations, confidentiality, and data treatment. Establishing guidelines at the outset helps address relevant issues.
Create a group confidentiality agreement (Berg, 2004) specifying that all comments made during the session must remain private, anonymous in data analysis, and not discussed outside the group without permission.
Have it signed, demonstrating a communal commitment to sustaining a safe, secure environment for honest sharing.
Berg (2004) recommends a formal signed agreement prohibiting participants from publicly talking about anything said in the focus group without permission. This reassures members their personal disclosures are safeguarded.
Develop questions starting general then funneling down to 10-12 key questions on critical topics. Integrate think/pair/share activities between question sets to encourage inclusion. Close with a conclusion to summarize key ideas voiced without endorsing consensus.
Krueger and Casey (2009) recommend structuring focus group questions in five stages:
It is vital to extensively pilot test draft questions to hone the wording, flow, timing, tone and tackle any gaps to adequately cover research objectives through dynamic group discussion.
Prepare the focus group room (Krueger & Casey, 2009) attending to details like circular seating for eye contact, centralized recording equipment with backup power, name cards, and refreshments to create a welcoming, affirming environment critical for participants to feel valued, comfortable engaging in genuine dialogue as a collective.
Arrange seating comfortably in a circle to facilitate discussion flow and eye contact among members. Decide if space for breakout conversations or activities like role-playing is needed.
Krueger & Casey (2009) suggest welcoming focus group members with comfortable, inclusive seating arrangements in a circle to enable eye contact. Providing snacks and music sets a relaxed tone.
Conduct the focus group utilizing moderation skills like conveying empathy, observing verbal and non-verbal cues, gently redirecting and probing overlooked members, and affirming the usefulness of knowledge sharing.
Use facilitation principles (Krueger & Casey, 2009; Tracy 2013) like ensuring psychological safety, mutual respect, equitable airtime, and eliciting an array of perspectives to expand group knowledge. Gain member buy-in through collaborative review.
Record discussions through detailed note-taking, audio/video recording, and seating charts tracking engaged participation.
The moderator is critical in facilitating open, interactive discussion in the group. Their main responsibilities are:
Moderators need strong interpersonal abilities to build participant trust and comfort sharing. The degree of control and input from the moderator depends on the research goals and personal style.
With multiple moderators, roles, and responsibilities should be clear and consistent across groups. Careful preparation is key for effective moderation.
Mulvale et al. (2021) fostered psychological safety for youth to share intense emotions about suicide attempts without judgment. The moderator ensured equitable speaking opportunities within a compassionate climate.
Krueger & Casey (2009) advise moderators to handle displays of distress empathetically by offering a break and emotional support through active listening instead of ignoring reactions. This upholds ethical principles.
Focus groups efficiently provide interactive qualitative data that can yield useful insights into emerging themes. However, findings may be skewed by group behaviors and still require larger sample validation through added research methods. Careful planning is vital.
Goss, J. D., & Leinbach, T. R. (1996). Focus groups as alternative research practice: experience with transmigrants in Indonesia. Area , 115-123.
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Kitzinger J. (1995). Introducing focus groups. British Medical Journal, 311 , 299-302.
Morgan D.L. (1988). Focus groups as qualitative research . London: Sage.
Mulvale, G., Green, J., Miatello, A., Cassidy, A. E., & Martens, T. (2021). Finding harmony within dissonance: engaging patients, family/caregivers and service providers in research to fundamentally restructure relationships through integrative dynamics . Health Expectations , 24 , 147-160.
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Download PDF slides of the presentation ‘ Conducting Focus Groups – A Brief Overview ‘
Focus Groups 101
July 31, 2022 2022-07-31
It is no secret that the field of user experience often favors objective, observational research methods over subjective, attitudinal methods. After all, when something is observed, with proof that it has actually happened, it can be hard to argue against it. However, it takes more than observational research to truly empathize and understand the full complexity of a person’s experience, which includes emotional experiences, mindsets, values, and belief systems. Since there is no other way to gather this data (at the writing of this article, mind reading with neural implants is not possible) researchers must use attitudinal methods to solicit the thoughts and opinions of target customers. A focus group is one of these methods.
What is a focus group, limitations and risks of focus groups, benefits of focus groups, you can run an effective focus group.
Definition: A focus group is a qualitative, attitudinal research method in which a facilitator conducts a meeting or workshop (typically about 1–2 hours long) with a group of 6–9 people to discuss issues and concerns about their experiences with a product or service. The term “focus” relates to the role of the facilitator, who maintains the group’s focus on certain topics during discussions.
Traditionally, focus groups have been a market-research method, used to get a sense of some aspect of a product, service, or concept. In these settings, the focus would typically be on certain words, graphics, videos, or other noninteractive media. All participants are presented with the media as a group and then prompted to provide their thoughts to the facilitator and the rest of the group.
Generally speaking, focus groups can provide useful information about your customers’ overall opinions and their impressions of a product or service.
Focus groups are notoriously problematic and often improperly used. Here are some of their limitations:
Given these limitations, focus groups should NOT be utilized in the following contexts:
Despite these shortcomings, there are some good reasons to consider a focus group:
Given these benefits, focus groups are BEST utilized in the following contexts:
It’s fair to say that focus groups are often unfairly maligned, considering the many benefits they can yield with relatively less time commitment compared to other methods. The key to reaping these benefits and mitigating limitations is to use a combination of other research methods (like other behavioral or attitudinal methods), and having a strong research plan.
Here are the key things to consider when planning your focus group:
Who do you want to learn about? What specific segment of users are you interested in? Even if your user is “everybody,” use personas , archetypes , or jobs-to-be-done to identify key recruiting criteria . Recruiting is a tricky balance of finding similar user motivations and goals (not demographics) while inviting a mix of backgrounds to reduce bias from other sources — such as having an overly westernized sample when studying a global offering.
Note who is not included, and why, for consideration during analysis and when strategizing future research. Is it a different segment that’s intentionally excluded? Lack of response? Lack of interest/trust? Bias is difficult to totally eliminate, but awareness of sources of bias can help during analysis and might inform future research. For example:
As you plan your agenda for the focus group, remember that most of your participants likely do not know each other and will be asked to speak honestly, potentially revealing information that may make them feel vulnerable or unlike others. Some people may do it, others may not. Consider having the following in your focus group:
Construct your prompts in advance to avoid leading or biasing participants. As with semistructured interviews, focus-group questions should use the funnel technique : be open-ended and broad at the beginning and progressively build detail and specificity with concepts as the conversation progresses. On a related note: remember to frame followup questions both positively and negatively to avoid leading participants, particularly when the conversation may naturally skew in one of these directions.
Focus groups don’t accurately predict future behavior. However, they can help gauge attitudes and guide future exploration, thus avoiding wasted research time. Still, they should be considered a starting point to further research, rather than a validation step. The good news? If your focus-group participants are willing, not only will you have their input to guide your further research, you may also have a group of customers willing and able to test what you create to further guide your design.
User research methods: from strategy to requirements to design.
Pick the best UX research method for each stage in the design process
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Intended for healthcare professionals
This paper introduces focus group methodology, gives advice on group composition, running the groups, and analysing the results. Focus groups have advantages for researchers in the field of health and medicine: they do not discriminate against people who cannot read or write and they can encourage participation from people reluctant to be interviewed on their own or who feel they have nothing to say.
This is the fifth in a series of seven articles describing non-quantitative techniques and showing their value in health research
**FIGURE OMITTED**
Focus groups are a form of group interview that capitalises on communication between research participants in order to generate data. Although group interviews are often used simply as a quick and convenient way to collect data from several people simultaneously, focus groups explicitly use group interaction as part of the method. This means that instead of the researcher asking each person to respond to a question in turn, people are encouraged to talk to one another: asking questions, exchanging anecdotes and commenting on each other's experiences and points of view. 1 The method is particularly useful for exploring people's knowledge and experiences and can be used to examine not only what people think but how they think and why they think that way.
Focus groups were originally used within communication studies to explore the effects of films and television programmes, 2 and are a popular method for assessing health education messages and examining public understandings of illness and of health behaviours. 3 4 5 6 7 They are widely used to examine people's experiences of disease and of health services. 8 9 and are an effective technique for exploring the attitudes and needs of staff. 10 11
The idea behind the focus group method is that group processes can help people to explore and …
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Balaji zacharia.
1 Department of Orthopedics, Government Medical College, Kozhikode, Kerala, India
2 Government Medical College, Kozhikode, Kerala, India
3 Department of Surgical Oncology, Regional Cancer Center, Trivandrum, Kerala, India
Patient-based outcomes (patient-reported outcomes) of any intervention can change according to factors like age, gender, region, culture, education, and socioeconomic status. Most of the available outcome measuring tools have a surgeon-related bias. Focus group discussion (FGD) is a simple and effective way to assess the outcome of an intervention. In FGD, people from similar backgrounds and experiences discuss a specific topic of interest. Our objective is to discuss the problems of common outcome measuring tools for patient satisfaction and to understand the method of conducting an FGD. We have set our own published article on patient-based outcomes after total knee arthroplasty (TKA) as an example for explaining the method of conducting an FGD. The planning, advantages, disadvantages, practicalities, and problems of conducting an FGD are explained. In conclusion, many of the tools used for assessing patient satisfaction is surgeon-centered. Focus group discussion is simple, cost-effective, requiring a small number of participants, and can be completed in a short period. It is an effective tool for assessing patient-based outcomes in TKA.
The patient satisfaction assessment is very important in medical practice. It helps to improve medical care and make the patient happier ( 1 ). A patient’s expectation after a procedure is defined as the anticipation of certain events happening during or after surgery ( 2 ). Patient dissatisfaction can result either from inappropriate expectations or from a lack of proper information regarding the outcomes. The surgeon gives importance to procedural success. They are usually unaware of patient dissatisfaction. Regional, social, cultural, and economic factors have a bearing on the outcomes of any treatment ( 3 ).
Surgical outcomes refer to data regarding operation results, including information about mortality and morbidity, recovery time, operative numbers, and repeat rates ( 4 ). This is different from the surgeon’s expectations about the outcome which vary with the type of surgery, the seriousness of the condition, the age and fitness of the patient, the experience of the surgeon, and the volume of surgery done. Most of the tools used to find out the outcomes and measure the ability of the surgeon to produce statistically significant data using certain prescribed parameters ( 5 ). The surgeon judges the success of surgery based on the anatomical, radiological, and functional outcomes. The majority of the tools used for measuring the outcomes of surgery are based on the fact that the patient and the clinician have a common viewpoint about the outcome. This is not always true as the patient and the doctor have different perceptions about all domains of outcomes. This is true in subjective quality-of-life domains like emotional and social functioning ( 6 ). This may be probably due to the differing priorities of the 2 groups. This discrepancy between patient and clinician in the validation of health-related outcomes has guided the development of many validated patient-related outcome measures like Short Form 36 (SF 36), Eating disorder Quality of life (ED-QOL), Western Ontario and McMaster Universities Osteoarthritis Index (WOMAC), Oxford Knee Score, and so on. These tools allow patients to rate their health and they are the center of outcome assessment ( 7 ).
Total knee replacement (TKR) is a common surgery done for osteoarthritis (OA) of the knee worldwide. It has a major effect on the activities of daily living. The geographical, social, cultural, economic, and many factors of a population can influence the outcomes of TKR. Expectations after the knee replacement will differ entirely among different populations ( 8 ). A successful TKR may not be a satisfactory one for the patient due to differences in factors determining the outcome measures ( Table 1 ). Many previous studies have looked into the patient-reported outcomes of TKR ( Table 2 ).
A Comparison Between the Factors Affecting the Outcomes in a Successful Total Knee Replacement and Patient Satisfaction After a Total Knee Replacement.
Successful TKR | Patient satisfaction after TKR |
---|---|
Based on implant longevity | Based on patient satisfaction |
Based on the revision rate | Depends on pain relief and functional improvement |
The unrevised implant may not function well | The patient will be symptomatic even when the implant is proper |
A third party interpret the outcome | The patient interpret it |
Mainly depend on functional and radiological parameters | A variety of factors like functional status, emotional aspect, and social behavior can influence the outcomes |
An in-person assessment is necessary | Can be assessed using electronic and social media also |
Less costly | Some PRO methods can be costly and some privacy issues |
Abbreviation: TKR, total knee replacement.
The List of Few Previous studies to Assess Patient-Reported Outcomes After Total Knee Replacement With the Methods Used for Assessment and Their Conclusions.
References | Method used assessment | Conclusions |
---|---|---|
Williams DP, Price AJ, Beard DJ, Hadfield SG, Arden NK, Murray DW, et al. The effects of age on patient-reported outcome measures in total knee replacements. The Bone Joint J. 2013;95-B:38-44. | Oxford knee score (OKS) and EuroQoL-5D (EQ-5D) | The early outcome after TKA by OKS and EQ-5D is comparable across all age groups. Patients <55 years are more likely to be dissatisfied with surgery. The OKS and EQ-5D alone might not accurately reflect the true outcome in all age-groups |
Lange JK, Yang HY, Collins JE, Losina E, Katz JN. Association between preoperative radiographic severity of osteoarthritis and patient-reported outcomes of total knee Replacement. JB JS Open Access. 2020;5: e19.00073-e19.00073. | WOMAC and KOOS | TKA offers substantial symptomatic relief and functional improvement regardless of the radiographic severity of osteoarthritis. |
Wylde V, Blom AW, Whitehouse SL, Taylor AH, Pattison GT, Bannister GC. Patient-reported outcomes after total hip and knee arthroplasty. J Arthroplasty. 2009;24:210-16. | OKS | TKA patients experience a significantly poorer functional outcome than THA patients 5 to 8 years postoperatively. |
Collins NJ, Roos EM. Patient-reported outcomes for total hip and knee arthroplasty. Clin Geriatr Med. 2012;28:367-94. | The osteoarthritis-specific and arthroplasty-specific measures like HOOS, KOOS, WOMAC, Oxford Hip, and Knee Scores can more consistently be considered “good” patient-reported outcomes for THA and TKA. | |
Bin Sheeha B, Williams A, Johnson DS, Granat M, Jones R. Patients’ experiences and satisfaction at one year following primary total knee arthroplasty: A focus-group discussion. Musculoskeletal Care. 2020;18:434-49. | FGD | Patient attitudes, expectations, preoperative education, communication with the surgeon, and rehabilitation affect postoperative outcomes. |
Kennedy D, Wainwright A, Pereira L, Robarts S, Dickson P, Christian J, et al. A qualitative study of patient education needs for hip and knee replacement. BMC Musculoskelet Disord. 2017;18:413. | FGD | A multimodal patient education tailored to individual preferences and experiences according to age and gender is important before arthroplasty |
Ayyar V, Burnett R, Coutts FJ, van der Linden ML, Mercer TH (2012). The influence of obesity on patient reported outcomes following total knee replacement. Arthritis, 2012, 1-6. | OKS | There is no significant difference in outcomes of TKA in obese and nonobese patients |
Trieu J, Gould DJ, Schilling C, Spelman T, Dowsey MM, Choong PF. Patient-reported outcomes following total knee replacement in patients. J Clin Med. 2020;9:3150. | Pain and functional deterioration start during the second decade after TKA | |
Ayers DC, Li W, Oatis C, Rosal MC, Franklin PD. Patient-reported outcomes after total knee replacement vary on the basis of preoperative coexisting disease in the lumbar spine and other nonoperatively treated joints. J Bone Joint Surg Am. 2013;95:1833-37. | WOMAC and ODI | Preoperative musculoskeletal pain in the lower extremity joints and low back is associated with poorer physical function at 6 months after total knee replacement. |
Feng JE, Gabor JA, Anoushiravani AA, Long WJ, Vigdorchik JM, Meere PA, et al. Payer type does not impact patient-reported outcomes after primary total knee arthroplasty. Arthroplast Today. 2019;5:113-18. | KOOS and Veterans RAND 12 Health Survey | Regardless of insurance type, the surgeon can expect similar patient-reported outcomes if baseline demographics are similar |
Abbreviations: FGD, focus group discussion; HOOS, Hip disability and Osteoarthritis Outcome Score; KOOS, Knee injury and Osteoarthritis Outcome Score; ODI, Oswestry Disability Index; RAND, RAND-36 scales; TKA, total knee arthroplasty; WOMAC, Western Ontario and McMaster Universities Osteoarthritis Index.
Focus group discussion (FGD) is a qualitative research method. It can be used for evaluating the outcomes of health care interventions ( 9 ). A focused group discussion is an effective way to bring people from similar backgrounds and experiences to discuss a specific topic of interest. This group is guided by a moderator/leader. The moderator introduces the topic for discussion and helps the group to participate in a lively and natural way. The participants should stay on the topic and not wander ( 10 – 12 ).
There are many advantages to FGD. It can be used to explore the outcomes that cannot be explained statistically. Responses in FGD are spoken open-ended, relatively broad, and qualitative ( 13 ). They have more depth and variety. There can be nonverbal communication and group interactions. They can give an idea closer to what people are thinking and feeling. Focus group discussion is a good way to gather in-depth information about the community’s thoughts and opinions on a topic ( 14 , 15 ). Focus group discussion can yield a lot of information about a topic in a relatively short time. All these pieces of information may not be relevant. Observations and the opinions we get from FGD have to be mentioned in their own words. It can cause difficulties during translation ( 16 , 17 ). Thematic analysis and constant comparison techniques are used for data analysis ( 18 ).
Our objective is to discuss FGD as a tool to assess patient satisfaction. We also want to give some general guidelines for conducting FGD. This is based on our article published in the Journal of Medical Devices : Evidence and Research “Patient-based outcome analysis is important to determine the success of total knee arthroplasty: the result of a focus group discussion” ( 19 ) (We have taken permission from the publisher).
Fifty patients were selected for FGD. Among them, 42 patients participated in FGD. The remaining 8 did not participated. We included persons who had completed 2 years after primary TKR. Six FGD sessions was conducted. We included participants who were homogeneous in terms of age, status, class, occupation, and follow-up characteristics. Patients with inflammatory arthritis, secondary OA, posttraumatic arthritis, old high tibial osteotomy, and revision TKR were excluded from our study. Since we aimed to find out the patient-reported outcomes, we used a purposive sampling method. We collected the patient details from our hospital records. We selected a moderator who had no relationship with the patients. The participants were divided into 8 groups, each having 6 members. The allocation was done by simple randomization. After each FGD, we went through the discussions and created new domains and subdomains. Based on this, we prepared new questions for the next sessions. It helped us to discuss a bit deeper into the new domains ( 19 ). Proper planning is needed before the conduct of FGD ( Appendix A ).
The group’s composition and the discussion should be carefully planned to create a nonthreatening environment. All participants feel free to talk openly and give honest opinions. There is freedom for the participants to agree or disagree with each other. We have to support them to come out with their own opinions. They are free to express their thoughts and feelings, although their responses are hard or impossible to record on a scale.
The demographic data of the participants were collected. We also checked the knee society score of all the participants before FGD. The FGD sessions were started with a self-introduction session. We gave some time for the participants for getting to know each other. This helped them to alleviate their fear of open discussion. Then the moderator introduced himself and his team. The moderator explained the objective of this discussion and the procedure. Then he initiated the FGD by putting an open general question. Group members were free to talk openly. The groups took more time to respond than individuals. Some group members felt hesitant to speak openly. Participants were actively encouraged to express their own opinions and to respond to other members and questions posed by the leader. The moderator made sure that the discussions revolved around the topic. The group members could often stimulate thought for each other which might not have occurred otherwise. We stopped the sessions when no fresh domains emerged ( 20 , 21 ).
During our FGD, most of the participants were discussing the problems they had before the knee arthroplasty and about various treatment methods used by them to overcome these difficulties. They discussed about why they were reluctant to come for operative treatment, how they felt after surgery, and their satisfaction after TKR. We created new domains and subdomains after each FGD by making a transcript of the discussions in the patient’s own words and carefully analyzing them. No fresh domains or subdomains emerged after the fourth FGD.
During each FGD, the opinions of the participants in their own words were taken down by a person. We used both written and voice recordings of our FGD. The data obtained are analyzed by 2 different individuals who are not part of the FGD. This was to ensure the naturality and credibility of the findings. A thematic analysis of the findings was done. Thematic analysis is a qualitative descriptive method to identify and analyze the narrative materials to report patterns or themes. This method has the flexibility for analysis. These interpretations and observations were combined and a conclusion was made.
We had obtained institutional research committee approval for this study. The patients were informed about the study and that data from the FGD would be submitted for publication and their consent was taken.
We have taken the results from 4 FGD because the opinions plateaued thereafter. There were 24 participants between the ages of 50 to 65 years. Among the 24 participants, 15 were males and 9 females. The average knee society score was 1.18 with a standard deviation of 0.50. Five major domains were evolved after our FGD. From the major domains, many minor domains were also developed ( Table 3 ). From the FGD conducted, we found that the socioeconomic impact of OA of the knee is worse than the clinical and radiological severity of the disease. Patients with high preoperative expectations have low satisfaction levels. Surgeon–patient communication has a major impact on patient-reported outcomes. The patient satisfaction level is different from those measured using objective scoring systems. Patient satisfaction levels are high for pain relief, pain-free movements, and social independence. But they are not satisfied because of their inability to returning to their original occupation and performing activities that require knee flexion.
The Major and Minor Domains Emerged From our Focus Group Discussion to Assess Patient Satisfaction After Total Knee Replacement.
1. Patient complaints (a) Knee pain (b) Deformity of the knee (c) Cosmetic properties after surgery | 2. Loss of function (a) Inability to walk alone (b) Inability to climb upstairs (c) Inability to use Indian toilet (d) Inability to do prayer (kneeling) |
3. Socioeconomic aspect (a) Restricted to home (b) Dependent on others (c) Mental stress (d) Inability to go to work | 4. Delay in surgery. (a) Tried alternative modalities of treatment (b) High cost of surgery (c) Not aware of the results of TKR (d) Fear of failure of surgery (e) Fear of undergoing surgery |
5. Satisfaction level achieved (a) Relief from pain (b) Increased range of movements (c) Social independence: (1) walk alone/(2) go for work (d) Reasonable pre-operative expectations (e) Preoperative education (f) Postop rehabilitation |
From our analysis, we found that loss of function was a major concern before surgery. The pain and deformity were the next. One patient told us, “Walking caused severe pain that I was restricted to my home. I was unable to squat in the toilet.” Some of them even converted their squat toilets to western type of toilets.
The social disabilities due to OA of the knee were far more than we thought. The majority of patients were restricted to their homes. They avoided attending family functions. The majority said they needed help from their children or others in climbing upstairs or for walking long distances. The difficulty to use squat toilets was another social issue. These issues were causing mental stress and depression in some patients. Loss of income due to inability to go to work was another problem. Some stopped going to work while others went to work but were less efficient. They had to take more leaves which led to reduced pay. Most of these patients were belonging to a low- or middle-income group. This affected their daily livelihood. There was a delay of 2 to 3 years before surgery for most of the patients. The affordability of total knee arthroplasty (TKA) was the major issue. They tried different modalities like Ayurveda, massaging, and acupuncture in-between. The majority were unaware of the results of TKR. Some were reluctant to do a TKR due to the fear of undergoing surgery.
Most of them were happy after TKR as they could walk and climb stairs independently. They had minimum pain compared to the preoperative level. Some patients thought they could go for manual work and use the squat toilet after TKR. They opined low satisfaction levels because they couldn’t do it after TKR. But some patients were aware of these problems before surgery and their satisfaction level was high. Proper preoperative education and expectations have a bearing on postoperative outcomes. We also came to know that most of the patients were not getting proper postoperative rehabilitation. They were taught about the rehabilitation protocol postoperatively but were not doing it properly. Some said that they were hesitant to flex the knee because they feared something might happen to the implant. Some blamed the doctors for not explaining these things.
There are some reasons behind selecting patients after TKR for assessing their satisfaction. The number of patients opting for TKR is increasing in our population. We are working in a government medical college in a developing country. Most of our patients for TKR hail from low socioeconomic status. Most of them are manual laborers and living in rural areas having limited road connectivity to their houses. They have to walk or climb hilly terrains. They have to work on farms or fields to earn their livelihood. They use squat toilets. After TKR, most of them want to return to their prior occupation. They can’t change their living conditions. Most patients become aware of the postoperative limitations only after TKR. Many of our patients were unhappy after TKR even when they are clinically and radiologically fine. This prompted us to find out the patient-reported outcome of our patients after TKR. We used FGD as a tool for knowing our patient’s satisfaction and opinions regarding TKR. The usually used measuring tools are surgeon-dependent and originate from developed countries.
As in any research method, finding a representative sample is very important in FGD. Make sure that all the participants are similar in their regional, cultural, educational, language, and socioeconomic status. Otherwise, there can be disparities in their opinions regarding the same issues. For example, if we are conducting an FGD about strengthening public transport and participants from rural and urban areas are included, their perceptions and opinion may vary. The city dwellers may be using their vehicles for travel they may be worried about traffic blocks or pathetic situations on the road, whereas the rural dwellers will be more worried about the number of buses and the making of new roads. In our case, all patients belonged to the same region, similar age-group, same diagnosis, and similar socioeconomic status ( 22 , 23 ).
Focus group discussion can be a powerful tool for gathering data on experiences, beliefs, attitudes, and perceptions. Asking sensitive questions is not at all a problem in the FGD. As all the participants belong to the same cohort, hence the topic of discussion becomes very simple for them ( 24 ). Usually, 1 or 2 questions for the starting of the discussion are needed. Usually, they are simple and general questions. Sometimes, new questions will be added which are emerging from the analysis of previous FGD. The questions are formed by the participants and the answers of which come from themselves. We have not come across any difficult situations where we have a problem with asking a sensitive question. We have prepared a set of questions for our FGD ( Table 4 ).
The Main Questions and the Probes Prepared for Our Focus Group Discussion.
Main questions (open-ended questions) | Probes |
---|---|
What were the problems due to osteoarthritis of the knee? | Pain, deformities, loss of earning, restriction of activities of daily living |
Have you taken any treatment for osteoarthritis of the knee? | Modern medicine, Ayurveda, Homeopathy, indigenous treatment modalities, no treatment done |
How did you come to know about TKA? | Doctors, friends, magazines |
What are the factors that delayed you from undergoing TKA | Economic factors, fear of surgery, apprehension regarding loss/failure to return to the occupation |
What were your expectations about TKA? | |
Are you satisfied after TKA? | Pain relief, functional improvement, activities of daily living, return to the occupation |
Are you dissatisfied after TKA? | Pain relief, functional improvement, activities of daily living, return to the occupation |
Did you aware of these limitations before TKA? Did your doctor explain it? | |
Have you got instruction regarding postoperative rehabilitation? | |
Did you follow the rehabilitation protocol? |
Abbreviation: TKA, total knee arthroplasty.
Recruiting participants is not a difficult task in FGD. In most cases, we can find out the participants from the cohort. We can collect the details of the participants from the outpatient clinic, from community nurses, hospital records, or from registries ( 25 ). We have obtained the details about our participants from the hospital records. We contacted them over telephones. One of our residents was given the charge of contacting the participants before each session.
Language barrier can be a problem. The participants and the moderator need to be well-versed in the language in which they are conducting FGD. Analysis of data and their interpretations also becomes difficult if they are not using the same language. We conducted the FGD in our mother tongue Malayalam. We did have some difficulty in translating certain colloquial terms into the English language during the publication of our results.
Maintaining quality and consistency during each session is very important ( 26 ). The audio or video recording of the FGD sessions helps to maintain the quality of the procedure. Quality control is the responsibility of the moderator. We had an audio recording of all our proceedings. And the moderator had full control of the whole team during the entire session.
Our journey started by searching the literature for a simple but practical method for assessing patient satisfaction after TKA. After deciding to conduct FGD, we collected patients from the hospital records. They were randomly allocated to 6 groups. The date, time, and place of each session were decided. There was a delay of 10 days between each FGD. The moderator, a person for writing, and another one for recording were identified. Two senior doctors from our department were assigned for data analysis. A table with 7 chairs was arranged for the moderator and team members. All the data collected were handed over to the team leader after the end of each session. Each session lasted for about 1.5 to 3 hours. We can surely say that the success of our project is the result of teamwork not only among the persons involved in the conduct of the FGD but also among all the participants. Since there are no interventions involved in this research, there is little to worry about the safety aspect of the researcher and participants. But great care was taken to protect the identity of the participants. Our greatest difficulty was in translating the data during publication.
Assessment of patient-reported outcomes is important in any health care intervention. This helps the treating doctor to make necessary modifications in their practices which will ultimately help the community. The regional, cultural, social, and economic status of the patients have a bearing on their level of satisfaction. It is better to develop tools that can be used for various populations. From our experience, we think that FGD is a very effective tool for measuring patient-reported outcomes/satisfaction. It can be conducted with a minimum number of participants. Planning and preparations are less cumbersome. As we are ensuring the homogeneity of the participants, we can get an emic perspective about the subject. Even information about certain sensitive issues can be obtained during FGD. As there are no interventions involved, it is well accepted and cost-effective. We found that patient-based outcomes of TKR differ from the Knee Society Score. Focus group discussion is a simple and surgeon-friendly tool for measuring patient-reported outcomes after TKR.
Patient-based outcome measurements are important for the evaluation of any intervention. Focus group discussion is a simple and effective way to find out the patient-based outcomes. Focus group discussion is a simple and surgeon-friendly tool for measuring patient-reported outcomes after TKR.
*Better to create small groups and 5 to 6 groups are enough. Too many participants make it difficult to control them during FGD, also the discussion can get going out of context.
**So that they can come on time.
***These questions should be based on the experiences of the moderator and also from the previously published literature about the topic.
Authors’ Note: The corresponding author Balaji Zacharia contributed to conceptualize the idea, helped in collecting data, analyzing, statistics, writing, and editing the manuscript. The coauthors helped in collecting data, analysis, statistics, writing, and editing the manuscript.
We have no conflict of interest for this manuscript and we have not accepted any financial assistance from within or outside of our institution for collecting data, writing the manuscript, and for its publications. This study was approved by the institutional ethics committee of Government Medical College, Kozhikode, Kerala, India. Written informed consent was obtained from the patients for their anonymised information to be published in this article. This article does not contain any studies with human subjects.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests: The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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by Emily Rodgers
Posted at: 10/6/2023 12:30 PM
In the ever-evolving landscape of the culinary world, understanding the preferences of your customers is incredibly important.
Enter: Restaurant focus groups.
These curated groups of diners offer a direct line into the minds (and palates) of your target audience, providing insights that can transform your eatery into a dining destination of choice.
In this blog post, our restaurant market research company explores focus groups: what they are, their value in the restaurant industry, and examples.
We'll also delve into a real-world case study, showcasing the tangible impact these groups can have on a restaurant's success.
Interested in conducting focus groups for your restaurant? Our market research company can help. Contact Drive Research today by filling out an online form or emailing [email protected] .
What is a Focus Group in a Restaurant?
Focus groups for restaurants provide in-depth consumer insights so that management teams can improve their food, services, marketing, and related outreach.
Focus groups can be conducted in person at a focus group facility or online through Zoom and other video conferencing tools.
Because dining out has many different layers to it for the consumer, in-person focus groups allow the following…
Importance of Conducting Restaurant Focus Groups
Running restaurant focus groups are all about improving the customer experience.
This is important for any business, of course. But it's especially important for restaurants since dining out and ordering food for pickup or delivery, is so consumer-centric.
In fact, our market research company recently polled over 950 consumers about their fast food consumption and preferences. Our survey results showed that speed of service is important to 42% of people when choosing where they are going to eat.
Moreover, focus groups are valuable for restaurants because they provide in-depth insights into:
Of course, these are just a few benefits of focus groups for restaurants. Management teams can go into focus groups with certain objectives and work with their research team to meet them.
Overall, the value of conducting focus groups for a restaurant lies in the ability to gain deep insights into customer preferences, perceptions, and behavior, which can inform strategic decisions to enhance the customer experience and ultimately drive business success.
For more, check out our short video on the benefits of focus groups.
Examples of Restaurant Focus Groups
Let's review some examples of focus groups in the restaurant industry.
Menu Development Group
Offering invaluable advice for one of the most prominent aspects of a restaurant, this group relays what should be included (or excluded) from a menu.
What meals are appealing?
Which are less-than-pleasant?
Is pricing fair?
It's questions like these that will be answered by menu development groups.
Concept Testing Group
These groups will provide feedback about the general concept of a restaurant. With many restaurants failing due to an " undefined concept ," this group is not to be dismissed.
Common feedback themes included:
Basically, everything that sets the tone for a great dining experience can be measured by concept groups.
Cuisine Preferences Group
Everyone has a favorite cuisine they like to dine out on. This group centers around identifying preferred cuisine types.
Since there are so many restaurants focused on different cuisines, a preferences group will provide data to help a restaurant stand out.
Decor and Ambiance Group
Who doesn't like going to a restaurant with the perfect ambiance? That said, coming up with the "perfect" ambiance can be a challenge. Groups designed around this concept are especially helpful when conducting food market research.
Their feedback will allow restaurant management teams to nail details like...
Target Audience Group
Hitting the right target demographic is especially important for restaurants. With this group, participants will go over their typical habits when dining out.
This information will then be used by the restaurant team to cater to the correct audience.
Online Presence and Marketing Group
What gives a restaurant that special "edge" against competitors? Having a great social media and online presence.
This group will provide important insight into what a restaurant can do to nail these categories. By being active online, restaurants can attract new customers, thus creating a loyal base.
New Location Evaluation Group
This group is ideal for restaurant focus groups focusing on franchises. The more successful these locations become, the more consumers will demand.
But what makes the ideal location for a franchise?
Thankfully, management teams will be able to answer these questions based on data from evaluation groups.
Restaurant Focus Group Case Study
In this section, we provide an overview of a restaurant market research project completed for a national chain eatery at our focus group facility in Syracuse .
Learn more about the project overview, our qualitative recruitment process, the two focus groups, and the deliverables.
Project Background
A national restaurant chain with several restaurants in the Syracuse area was interested in hiring our restaurant market research company to host two focus groups in their area.
The objective of the restaurant market research was centered around consumers who ate at a fast-casual restaurant at least twice in the past 3 months.
Each focus group was also divided between heavy users and light or non-users:
Both focus groups were held at the Drive Research focus group facility in NY .
Recruiting Participants for the Focus Groups
The process of recruiting participants for the local restaurant transpired over two stages.
Both email and social promotion encouraged the target audience to take a recruitment screener created by Drive Research in order to pre-screen prospective focus group participants.
Those who qualified then received an additional re-screening phone call so that we could ask additional questions, verifying their online survey answers.
If selected, the focus group recruits received a confirmation email asking them to reply back “yes” if they wanted to participate in the restaurant market research.
Lastly, our focus group recruitment agency then called participants a day or two before the restaurant focus group, as well as a final reminder text the day of the sessions.
Hosting the Restaurant Focus Groups
On a Wednesday evening, the first focus group began at 5:30 p.m. with the second focus group to follow at 7:30 p.m.
Our restaurant market research company recommends holding two separate groups to answer similar questions.
That's because hosting a second focus group will act as a gut check to verify the data and findings discovered from the first group.
Additionally, Drive Research invited stakeholders from the local restaurant and the advertising agency assisting with the branding to our focus group facility in Syracuse.
Here clients were able to sit in our 14’ by 14’ viewing room to watch and listen as pictured below.
Upon leaving, the client also received a USB flash drive holding all audio and video files from the focus group sessions for further analysis and reporting.
For those unable to attend either session, stakeholders could still have an inside look into the qualitative research as the focus groups were streamed live off-site in HD.
The video stream also includes chat functionality to make the experience immersive and engaging.
Contact our Restaurant Market Research Company
Drive Research is a restaurant market research company that specializes in qualitative and quantitative studies. Whether it be surveys, focus groups, menu optimization, or ad concept testing - we can help.
Are you interested in conducting market research? Contact us.
Emily Rodgers
A SUNY Cortland graduate, Emily has taken her passion for social and content marketing to Drive Research as the Marketing Manager. She has earned certificates for both Google Analytics and Google AdWords.
Learn more about Emily, here .
Categories: Market Research Case Studies Focus Groups
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BMC Health Services Research volume 24 , Article number: 1070 ( 2024 ) Cite this article
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Palliative care provided to frail and dying older persons in nursing homes results in intense emotions for residents and their relatives as well as for healthcare professionals. In France, scant attention has been given to how nursing home professionals manage their emotions when providing palliative care. This study analysed the emotional demands of providing palliative care in the nursing home context, the emotional strategies used by healthcare professionals to navigate such demands, and how these demands affect their emotional wellbeing.
This qualitative study used a multiple case study approach. We purposively selected nine nursing homes from three geographical provinces in France with diverse ownership statuses (public, private, associative). Individual interviews and focus group discussions were held with 93 healthcare professionals from various occupational groups employed in the participating nursing homes. Data was collected from April 2021 to September 2022 and was analysed using thematic content analysis.
Data revealed that providing palliative care to dying residents within the nursing home context results in intertwined rewarding and exhausting emotional experiences for healthcare professionals. Professionals have to utilize multifaceted emotional strategies to navigate these experiences, including suppressing and modifying emotions and distancing themselves emotionally from residents to protect themselves from emotional suffering. Participants noted a lack of formal space to express emotions. Unrecognized emotional labour undermines the wellbeing of healthcare professionals in nursing homes, whereas acknowledging emotions enhances satisfaction and gives enhanced meaning to their crucial role in resident care.
Acknowledging emotional labour as an inevitable component of providing palliative care in nursing homes is critical to supporting healthcare professional wellbeing, resilience, and retention, which may ultimately improve the quality of care for dying residents. Ensuring quality care and supporting the emotional wellbeing of nursing home professionals requires an organisational culture that considers emotional expression a collective strength-building resource rather than an individual responsibility, in hopes of shaping a new culture that fully acknowledges their humanity alongside their professional skills.
ClinicalTrials.gov ID: NCT04708002; National registration: ID-RCB number: 2020-A01832-37, Registration date: 2020-12-03.
Peer Review reports
The steady increase in the number of older persons affected by multiple and complex health needs has led to a growing number of nursing home (NH) residents worldwide spending their final moments of life and dying within these settings [ 1 ]. In turn, this trend has generated heightened attention for the necessity of integrating palliative care within the NH, an approach that has not traditionally been an area of focus [ 2 , 3 , 4 ].
The core philosophy and values of the NH are to provide a home-like environment for residents. When residents require palliative and end-of-life care, the focus shifts from supporting quality living to facilitating quality dying [ 5 ]. Such a shift is accompanied by intense emotions for residents, their relatives, and NH professionals who have had intimate interactions with residents and built strong ties and long-lasting relationships with them during the extended caregiving process. The process becomes even more emotionally laden for professionals, as they often see themselves as holding a professional caring role while also taking on the emotional work of a family member role [ 6 ]. When confronted with providing quality living while simultaneously supporting quality dying [ 5 ], NH professionals have to perform significant emotional labour to provide quality care and preserve the professional-resident therapeutic relationship, all the while maintaining their own health and emotional wellbeing [ 7 ].
In France, as in many other countries, the provision of palliative care in NHs relies heavily on a multidisciplinary staff mainly composed of nursing assistants, personal support workers, registered nurses, and other regulated professionals, under the supervision of a medical coordinator. A medical coordinator in the French nursing home context is a physician, generally with geriatric competences, who has an overall coordination and medical advisory role for nursing home and external provider team for enhanced quality care. Moreover, as elsewhere, NHs in France suffer significant staff shortages due to professional fatigue, burnout, and professional turnover [ 8 ]. The recent COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the situation in NHs, with increased COVID-19-related deaths, augmented workloads, expanded isolation, and added psychological burden among care workers [ 9 , 10 ]. There is a pressing need for NH organisations to acknowledge the emotional labour endured by healthcare professionals during the caregiving process, particularly when it involves providing palliative and end-of-life care to residents.
Current evidence has demonstrated a strong link between burnout, job satisfaction, performance, staff retention, and attrition and the emotional labour of caring [ 11 , 12 ]. When healthcare professionals have to suppress or modify their emotions, they experience dissonance between feelings and performance, which in the long term can result in emotional distress, burnout, and intention to leave the profession [ 12 , 13 ]. Other studies have noted that when emotions are freely expressed and supported, they may have a positive impact on professional-patient interpersonal relationships, staff member wellbeing, and the quality of patient care [ 14 ]. However, most studies that have explored the emotional labour involved in providing palliative care have focused on hospital, hospice, or palliative care unit settings. Rarely have these studies been conducted in NH contexts. In fact, the physical labor associated with caring in NHs and the economic aspects of the work, such as wages and scheduling, receive more attention than does emotional labour [ 15 ]. In addition, emotional intelligence is an expected competency of healthcare professionals, particularly an individual’s ability to manage their own emotions to the point that failing to do so is viewed as an individual weakness and professional failure [ 16 ]. Yet, it has been documented that the effectiveness of emotional labour depends on various factors, including the nature of the service and the organisational culture [ 13 ]. This requires situated knowledge to better understand the emotional work performed by healthcare professionals in specific contexts, such as NHs.
Emotional labour has been defined as the process through which healthcare professionals suppress or change their feelings to align with organisational rules and guidelines while still conveying to others a sense of being cared for [ 17 ]. Emotional labour involves three strategies: surface acting, deep acting, and displaying genuine emotions [ 18 ]. Surface acting entails suppressing or hiding felt emotions or faking unfelt emotions to alter outwards expression. Deep acting entails a conscious attempt to modify inner feelings and felt emotions to match expected emotions [ 18 , 19 ]. Displaying genuine emotions entails the expression of natural emotions that are congruent with felt feelings without any adjustment [ 18 ]. In this study, we conceptualize emotional labour as the efforts deployed by healthcare professionals to manage their emotions when providing palliative care to NH residents.
Nurse scholars have expanded the concept of emotional labour to nursing, emphasizing the emotional component and the demand associated with caring in nursing [ 19 ]. Nurses perform emotional labour when they have to induce or suppress their feelings to align them with what is expected by their institutions to make patients feel cared for and safe, irrespective of their own actual feelings [ 20 , 21 ]. For example, when nurses are confronted with death but feel unable to facilitate a ‘good death’, they may have complex feelings of guilt and anger but may have to suppress these feelings to continue attending to patients and their relatives [ 22 , 23 ].
Emotions are inherently linked to caring, as they are essential to the development of effective and meaningful relationships with patients, their relatives, and other professionals [ 24 ]. Studies that have explored the emotional labour associated with providing palliative care highlight the complexities of the emotionally demanding experiences healthcare professionals encounter in their practice [ 6 , 23 ]. The cumulative emotional effects of grief and sadness experienced by NH professionals attending to dying individuals require them to deploy significant effort to balance the demands of the healthcare organization, the emotional needs of others, and their own wellbeing [ 23 ].
The limited available literature on emotional labour in NHs illuminates the critical influence that the physical and social environments of NHs have on shaping care providers’ emotional experiences of caring for dying residents [ 7 ]. Caring for ill, disoriented residents with aggressive behaviours as well as dying residents in their last stages of life requires NH professionals to regulate their emotions, often masking their true feelings to prioritize the emotional needs of residents and their families above their own [ 6 , 15 ]. Additionally, ethical and moral concerns that professionals face during end-of-life-care provision, such as preserving residents’ dignity, engaging in end-of-life conversations, respecting end-of-life preferences, life-prolonging treatment or treatment withdrawal, likely play a role in emotional regulation and strategies undertaken by professionals [ 23 , 25 ]. All these may affect healthcare professionals’ capacity to interact effectively with residents and co-workers, nurture their sense of self, and provide optimal care [ 7 , 22 ]. However, it is important to note that the regulation of emotions may also produce positive effects, such as facilitating caring and forming the bonds necessary to foster a home-like NH environment [ 5 , 15 ].
Despite the crucial role that emotions play in providing care in NHs, the emotional labour undertaken by NH care professionals remains an invisible aspect of job requirements [ 15 ]. Notwithstanding the critical role that healthcare professionals play in supporting quality living and quality dying for residents in the French NH context, little is known about how they manage their emotions amidst the complex situations they encounter in their practice or how they continue to provide care without jeopardizing their own emotional wellbeing. This study aimed to help fill this gap in the research by (1) analysing the emotional dimensions of providing palliative care in the NH context as well as the strategies used by healthcare professionals to manage the emotional aspects of caring for dying residents and (2) exploring the effects of emotional labour on NH professionals’ wellbeing. To this end, this study sought to answer the following research questions: (1) How do NH professionals manage the emotional demands of caring for residents requiring palliative care? (2) What effects do emotional demands have on professional-resident interactions and the emotional wellbeing of NH professionals? This study’s findings will inform NH management on strategies and interventions to not only reduce the emotional exhaustion and burnout of healthcare professionals but also improve their resilience and wellbeing at work, ensuring that they are best equipped to provide optimal care to residents and their relatives.
The findings presented in this manuscript originate from a broader implementation study that evaluated the effectiveness of a timely and integrated palliative care approach in 21 NH facilities in France. The initial study used a mixed-method [ 26 ] approach and was segmented into three phases: pre-implementation, implementation, and post-implementation. The current manuscript reports materials from the pre-implementation phase. A detailed methodological description of the broader study has been reported elsewhere [ 27 ]. The qualitative component of the study follows a multiple case study approach [ 28 ]. Among the aims of the qualitative study were to explore NH professionals’ experiences and quality of life at work and to understand how they navigate the emotional demands associated with providing palliative care to residents.
This manuscript presents qualitative findings from nine out of the 21 NHs that participated in the broader study. The nine NHs were purposively selected to ensure a balanced sample of three NHs per geographical region (Iles de France, Nouvelle Aquitaine, Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur) as well as diversity in terms of ownership status (public, private, and private non-profit).
For this study, we purposively included healthcare professionals from various occupational groups employed on a fixed contract in the selected NHs. Participants had to have a minimum of five months of experience and had experience providing palliative care to residents in the same NH. Casual and non-fixed contractual professionals were excluded from the study.
A combination of focus group discussions and individual in-depth interviews was used to collect data. This was to achieve an enhanced understanding of the phenomenon of emotional labour within a NH context by exploring views at individual and social contexts [ 29 ]. Nine focus group discussions were conducted with various healthcare professionals who provide direct care to residents. Each focus group was composed of seven to eleven professionals. Given the purpose of the study which was to explore how different professionals navigate the emotional demands of providing palliative care within a NH context, group composition brought together all professionals involved at varying degrees in providing such a type of care. However, to allow participants to share their experiences freely and to avoid any status distinction or hierarchical influence [ 30 ], professionals in the managerial roles were not included in the focus groups. They were involved in individual interviews.
Prior to data collection, a meeting was organized at each participating NH to introduce the broader interventional study to professionals and invite them to take part in the study. The focus group sessions were held at a predetermined location within the NH at a time convenient to the participants and facility and lasted between 90 and 120 min. Individual in-depth interviews were conducted with the supervisory teams, namely the nurse coordinators and medical coordinators. Each individual interview lasted approximately 45 min and was held at a time and place convenient to participants. We used the interview guide developed by the researchers for the purpose of this study (supplementary material 1). The same interview guide was used for individual and focus group discussions, with slights changes on the phrasing of questions for interviews with the management team. Focus group and individual interview questions inquired about experiences of providing palliative and end-of-life care to residents, the emotional dimensions associated with such a type of care, how professionals navigate those experiences and the perceived consequences on professional wellbeing. Examples of questions included the following: How would you describe your experience of caring for dying residents in NHs? What are the emotional aspects of providing palliative care to residents, and how do you navigate those experiences? The last author conducted most of the individual interviews and some focus group discussions, while a trained research assistant under the supervision of the last author moderated the remaining focus groups. Both hold PhD degrees and have experience in conducting qualitative interviews for health research. All interviews and focus group discussions were conducted from April 2021 to September 2022. The interviews were audio-recorded after the participants granted permission. Regular field notes were written immediately after interviews and focus groups. Data collection continued until we have gained adequate and in-depth understanding [ 31 ] of emotional experiences of providing palliative care in NH.
Thematic content analysis following the analytical approach of Paillé and Mucchielli [ 32 ] guided the analysis. The level of analysis was a NH, with each NH considered a case. After verbatim transcription of all the data from the nine cases, two authors (BU & DL) became acquainted with the data by rereading the transcribed interviews, examining participants’ narratives from each case separately, and then developed a list of codes. From the code list, they created a thematization journal using code subdivision, integration, and hieararchization [ 32 ]. Next, the same two authors grouped related codes from all the cases, with a third team member (BE) resolving any discrepancies between the previous analysts. At the end of this stage, a thematic tree of three themes and eight subthemes was constructed. NVivo 14 software assisted with data management and facilitated the coding process.
To ensure methodological rigor, the authors used the recommended strategies for trustworthiness of qualitative data [ 33 ]. To ensure the reliability of the findings, two analysts completed the coding of transcripts, organized peer debriefing meetings throughout the analysis, and kept a reflexive journal recording all the steps taken and decisions made. A third analyst resolved any disagreements through consensus. To ensure credibility of findings, the authors triangulated methods (individual in-depth interviews and focus groups) and collected participant perspectives from various healthcare professions (nurses, nurse assistants, personal support workers, psychologists, occupational therapists, physiotherapists, medical doctors). The writing of the manuscript followed the “consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ)” [ 34 ] (Supplementary material 2).
The French Committee of Protection of Person (CPP) granted ethical approval for this study (Approval number: 2020.09.06 bis_20.07.31.64318). All focus groups and interviews respected the rights of participants to choose to participate in the study through informed consent. To ensure confidentiality and anonymity of the collected data, the reporting used codes instead of names.
All NH professionals who met the inclusion criteria and who were available on the day of the focus group were included in the study. In total, 93 professionals participated, including 79 participants in nine focus groups and 14 participants in individual interviews. Tables 1 and 2 provide the detailed characteristics of the settings and demographic characteristics of participants.
Quotes from individual interviews are followed by an acronym designating the profession of the participant (for example NC for Nurse Coordinator, MedCo for Medical Coordinator) as well as the code number of the NH. Quotes from focus groups are designated by the acronym FG, followed by an acronym for the location of the NH (IDF for Ile de France, NA for Nouvelle Aquitaine, PACA for Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur), and the code number of the NH.
Analysis of participants’ narratives revealed three overarching themes related to the emotional dimensions of providing palliative care in NHs: (1) intertwined emotionally rewarding and challenging experiences; (2) multifaceted emotional strategies; and (3) switching between emotional engagement, detachment and exhaustion. Supplementary material 3 illustrates the generation of themes and subthemes with illustrative quotes.
Participants’ narratives revealed two intertwined and simultaneous emotional dimensions of providing palliative care to dying residents in NHs: (1) emotionally rewarding experiences and (2) emotionally challenging experiences. The emotionally rewarding dimension of the experiences was supported by the individual professionals’ intrinsic commitment, devotion, and engagement with older persons under their care and a professional duty to provide them with the “best possible care” they deserve. On the other hand, the NH context as a place of living and of care, with its organisational constraints, rendered the experience of providing palliative care to residents emotionally challenging. Specifically, it hindered the care providers’ ability to facilitate what they perceived to be a “dignified death,” leaving them with feelings of distress, frustration, guilt, and uselessness.
Numerous participants described working in NH as a deliberate professional choice and vocation, stemming from their sense of commitment and engagement to offer dependant older people the care they deserve. The relational dimension associated with caring for NH residents gives meaning to their work and becomes a source of pleasure, satisfaction, and self-worth, as illustrated by the following registered nurse:
“Helping older persons is my passion. I find that there is less invasive care in NHs , and there is a relationship that develops and that I enjoy” (NC , NA , 751).
For the majority of healthcare professionals, this deliberate choice to work in NHs implies that confronting death on an ongoing basis is a professional responsibility. Despite the emotional challenges that come with multiple exposures to death, the participants affirmed their commitment to confront death as part of caring for residents. They held the belief that dying is part of living and that accompanying death is a normal process that comes with caring for the living. The devotion to accompanying residents until the end was perceived by NH professionals as a rewarding experience when they felt they had fulfilled their responsibility of facilitating a dignified death:
“It feels so rewarding to see a resident dying the way they should: with dignity , respect , free of pain and with the best possible comfort. That is what we are here for” (FG , PACA , 935).
Although death is considered an expected life trajectory in NHs, participants recognized that dying older persons are often overlooked as a category of the population requiring adequate palliative care. Their perceived duty to accompany residents until the end demonstrates their commitment to ensuring that dying residents experience comfort and dignity equal to that experienced by individuals dying in settings outside the NH.
Similarly, for some residents, NH professionals are the sole individuals they can bond with at a human level and who can meet their diverse emotional needs. Participants believed their role goes beyond that of care providers. Their drive to go above and beyond and make a difference in the end-of-life trajectory of residents becomes a rewarding experience that provides a sense of pride and self-worth. The NH professionals expressed feeling honoured to be the ones to accompany residents in that ultimate moment, even if it means forgetting themselves:
“Aging comes with many losses and emotional needs: most of them do not want to be here [in the NH]; they feel abandoned by their families , they lose their autonomy over things they used to do , they need to feel cared for. Being there for them through the most important moments of their stay here is very rewarding to us. Basically , in the first place , if they are put here , it is so they do not die alone” (FG , PACA , 931). “It’s truly a phase full of emotions where everything comes out: their past traumas , their anxiety , their worries. We try to hold it together , to forget ourselves a little so we can give them what they deserve…” (FG , NA , 755).
Participants’ accounts bring to the forefront that despite the emotionally laden experience of providing palliative care in an NH context, their commitment and determination to accompany residents in their last living moments make this experience emotionally rewarding.
Narratives from healthcare professionals emphasized the context of the NH as being initially designed to serve as a living space. Such a home-like living environment that progressively becomes a place of care and ultimately a place of dying leads to the development of close bonds between NH professionals and residents for an extended period. The emotional and physical closeness formed with residents during their stay transcends the caregiver-resident therapeutic relationship. Healthcare professionals have to navigate these different aspects of the NH and remain professional caregivers, all the while providing a home-like environment. One participant explained:
“I’m here from 8am to 8 pm; we live with them [residents]. I do not call some of them by their names anymore. I call them grandpa , grandma. By living with and caring for them for an extended period , they end up becoming like family. When they die , it breaks our hearts” (FG , PACA , 931).
Boundary-setting issues such as these make the relational dimension of care especially difficult, as NH professionals can become too close to residents, which naturally complicates the transition to end-of-life care. Accompanying death for older persons who they have accompanied for living represented a challenging transition for participants who considered residents like their own relatives, as expressed by the following medical coordinator:
“They’re not just people we care for; we live with them. These are the people for whom we’ve fought for every minute to make life worth living. Professionals look after them almost as if they were their parents. Accompanying someone who is going to die , while you have accompanied them so they can live , is in itself emotionally hard” (MedCo , IDF , 116).
Their strong emotional bond with residents became a challenge for NH professionals when discussing the residents’ end-of-life preferences and the palliative decisions that needed to be made in preparation for the end-of-life care plan. Many shared avoiding these discussions, even when residents prompted them, as they did not feel ready to engage in such emotionally charged conversations.
“Palliative care supposes that we should help them think about their death , but we are unable to do that. We are primarily a place of life , and at the end , there is always death. That’s the complexity of [providing] palliative care in NHs” (NC , NA , 753).
The experience of providing palliative care in NHs was also challenged by structural and organisational constraints such as heavy workloads, a lack of time, and unmanaged pain. As a result, some participants reported that they were unable to provide dying residents with the required relief, which caused NH professionals lingering regret even after the death of the resident.
“That resident who died last week , I would have wished to have been able to stay with them a little longer , hold their hand , put on some music , so that there is a presence , like putting life into the end of life. Unfortunately , I was not able to free myself. And it is difficult to live with such a feeling” (FG , IDF , 116).
When asked how they cope with the emotional demands of providing palliative care to residents, participants highlighted a diversity of emotional strategies they deployed to protect themselves and to continue fulfilling their caring roles. These ranged from genuinely expressing their emotions to modifying and suppressing their emotions to fit the moment. Modification and suppression of emotions were cited as the most commonly used strategies as opposed to the authentic expression of emotions.
Participants used expressions such as “We cry with” , “We’ve shed tears” , “We’ve laughed with” to convey the authentic emotional strategies put in place. They genuinely expressed their emotions in situations when they felt a deep connection with residents. Most of these genuine emotional strategies occurred in the moments approaching death or following death.
“All the residents on the floor are like my family. Last time I went to see Mrs. B , when my colleague told me she was dead , I was shocked , truly shocked. It was quick. I cried all my tears. I was so sad. I was unable to continue work because I was crying” (FG , IDF , 111).
In some situations, the NH professional’s personal history prompted the authentic expression of feelings. For example, if a resident’s death mirrored the death of their own loved ones, it made it difficult for them to conceal their true feelings as they usually do. Some referred to it as not being able to pretend to have no feelings.
“I accompanied my dying father in palliative care. Every time there is a death of a resident , it echoes my father’s. We had a resident death not long ago. When I saw him , I completely broke down. I cannot pretend anymore” (FG , IDF , 117).
The authenticity of emotions also manifested through allowing oneself time to grieve the death of a resident. A participant discussed requesting a day off to grieve, but some NHs also provided space for grieving the deceased residents.
“I was truly attached to Mr G. When he died , I took a day off. Everyone else [colleagues] continued living their life… laughing. For me , I could not come to work because I was grieving his death” (FG , IDF , 116).
Other participants also recognized a need for the authentic expression of emotions and requested emotional management support for the team.
“For a resident we’d known for a long time to whom we were very attached , we felt helpless with her end-of-life care , and so we genuinely asked for help. We held a round table… , and we asked for help from an external person” (FG , NA , 751).
While some participants expressed their genuine feelings, many participants across focus groups were in favour of emotions being unnoticed and noted a lack of formalized organisational strategies to deal with emotions. Many NH professionals admitted to frequently modifying their feelings to display emotions that are “acceptable.”
Some NH professionals described their emotional work as involving frequent switching between sadness and joy to respond to the needs of the moment. Many shared trying to display emotions that were not what they truly felt because the situation at hand required them to convey different, often contradictory emotions; for the participants, this constituted difficult emotional labour.
“On one hand , you’ve got one person who is dying and next to them residents who are living. It is very difficult because you have to go into the room [and] take care of someone who is dying. You are sad because you know you will not see that person again. Nevertheless , the moment you see this person for a few minutes , you have to close the door , wipe your sadness , and put a smile on your face to accompany the next-door resident with a serene face. It is difficult to manage all these emotions at the same time. In one day , you have to give contradictory feelings. You are sad for one person , but at the same time , you have to bring joy to the other resident. You have to show them a different face , and that is not easy” (FG , IDF , 117).
The modification of emotions was compounded in the NH environment for some participants who not only adopted an expression in accordance with what was expected but also tried to set limits and find the appropriate time and space for revealing their true feelings when out of the NH. Participants described this ability to emotionally detach as protective:
“The moment I remove my uniform , I immediately put a different face…. When I reach home , if I have situations that have been painful , I allow myself to be restless and sad; I vent my true feelings…” (FG , PACA , 933).
Participants discussed the organisational expectation to suppress emotions in order to continue providing effective care. In a quest to fit into institutional norms, many NH professionals who describe themselves as normally prone to showing their emotions had to learn to suppress them.
“By nature , I am a very sensitive person , but now I keep all my emotions inside of me , and at the end , it becomes difficult to unload. Here , it is not common to open up and show emotions or talk about them. We are expected to keep it to ourselves and move on” (FG , PACA , 933).
Multiple exposures to death and a lack of time and a safe space to grieve deceased residents forced NH professionals to suppress their feelings in an attempt to cope with the distress and to continue providing care to residents.
“How can you display feelings when you have four successive deaths? You become numb and move on. Tomorrow you will have another one. You pretend as if everything is fine but there is a problem…” (FG , IDF , 117).
Participants reported that the emotional labour of providing palliative care in NHs results in both negative and positive consequences. The majority of NH professionals noted that the negative consequences of emotional labour resulted in an inability to provide effective care, and the lack of supportive space to express their feelings caused emotional distress, feelings of guilt, and a sense of failure and powerlessness. Some participants accepted emotions as essential to their caring role and mentioned that they give meaning to their work.
Only a few NHs involved in the study had formalized procedures in place to support the emotional wellbeing of their healthcare professionals. These procedures included formal debriefs, a consultation with a psychologist, and massage therapy. In the majority of the NHs, informal peer-to-peer support was mentioned. In settings where emotions are acknowledged and supported, both professionals and managers reported increased satisfaction when accompanying dying residents.
“We had a resident to whom the team was so emotionally involved. When the end was approaching , emotions were high for both professionals and the resident. We [the supervisory team] requested the intervention of the external palliative care team to introduce a third party in the relationship and gently distance the team without completely disengaging them. At the end , everyone was satisfied , and the resident was properly accompanied. It ended up being one of the memorable end-of-life care for the staff” (NC , NA , 751).
When participants believed that they gave their best up to the end and that the outcome was a peaceful death, they gained a sense of pride and accomplishment. They felt they had attained their mission, which, for many, was one of the reasons they remained working in the NH despite the stressful environment.
“On his passing , the resident was so peaceful , so were relatives. It was a real sense of satisfaction. It is the kind of end-of-life care where you feel you have done the right care and that gives you motivation to stay” (FG , NA , 753).
Suppression or modification of emotions affected the wellbeing of participants as well as the care they provided to residents. Different constraints such as time pressure and competing tasks added to their frustration. Their emotional distress manifested itself as constant feelings of guilt, powerlessness, and a sense of failure for not providing adequate care to residents. One of the most common sources of guilty feelings was when the NH professionals believed that they were unable to offer a peaceful, quality presence during end-of-life moments and that the resident died alone. Dying alone was considered inhumane by participants, as they believed that residents were placed in NHs mainly to ensure they do not die alone.
“Very often you tell yourself , ‘Well , I could have been by her side , tell her a comforting word , play the music she loved , rub her forehands , make sure she had a presence… , but no , she is gone and all alone’. It is not human at all , and you carry this with you for long” (FG , PACA , 933).
Participants also expressed feeling powerless when they saw residents in pain and discomfort, and their inability to provide the required comfort to the dying residents left them with an immense sense of failure and uselessness, which negatively affected their wellbeing and their satisfaction with the work done.
“It breaks your heart to see people suffering like this and little is done about it. It’s heart-breaking to think , ‘We are here to help them , but in fact we’re not even doing that’. We are useless” (FG , NA , 755).
To protect themselves from the distress associated with multiple exposures to death and a lack of institutional support, some participants admitted that they banalized death to emotionally distance themselves from dying residents, a strategy that the NH professionals recognized as inadequate.
“We give , we give , one day we can’t take it anymore and we banalize death. We don’t see death anymore. It does not affect us any longer , it becomes a commonplace gesture , mundane. Someone dies today; you attend to the next person who will be gone tomorrow , and so forth and so on. You keep accumulating and one day you explode” (FG , IDF , 117).
Other NH professionals adopted a superficial attitude in an attempt to distance themselves and detach themselves from their true feelings. They chose to involve themselves less in the therapeutic relationship by concentrating more on carrying out instrumental and technical care and less on offering a caring and relational presence.
“I go in [the room] , I give the injection and I get out. Not because I do not want to stay , but because I am thinking of the others. I cannot stay with the one who is dying while I have 70 others who are still alive. I have to look after those who are not dying” (NC , PACA , 935).
Some participants dealt with emotionally challenging situations by refusing to accept the palliative care plan of residents with whom they had strong ties. They would ignore the team’s decisions when it involved withdrawing feeding and restricting movement and instead provide the usual care such as taking blood pressure, providing hydration, and mobilizing residents, irrespective of the futile outcome or the risk of causing more suffering. In this way, they felt more useful towards the residents.
“We had a staff meeting , and they said Mrs X was in end-of-life care…that we should avoid mobilizing her and emphasize comfort care. When I arrived in the room , I did not do anything they said. Rather , I got her up from bed , I washed her , I dressed her , I brought the wheelchair , and I was about to take her out. When the nurse coordinator arrived , she could not understand what I was doing. I was in denial. I could not believe she was dying” (FG , IDF , 116).
Several participants reported feeling emotionally strained, exhausted, and lacking the energy to accomplish their mission. Some of them even resigned or verbalized their intentions to resign from their posts. Their emotional exhaustion reportedly stemmed from an accumulation of frustration, discouragement and a lack of accomplishment, feeling incompetent, and a lack of support, which prompted them to resign rather than form a negative view of the residents and fail to deliver effective care.
“You fight , you try your best to keep going , you get discouraged and finally you give up. That is why I want to do something else. Eventually , I want to take care of people and give them what they deserve. Here , I do not give them what they deserve , which frustrates me , and I accumulate. I resigned. I would rather leave the job to someone who wants to do it the way it is done. As for me , I am going to hold onto something else. I do not want to become a bitter caregiver….” (FG , PACA , 933).
The findings from this study illustrate that providing palliative care to dying residents within the NH context exposes healthcare professionals to intertwined rewarding and exhausting emotional experiences. This emotionally demanding work results in a constant switching between feelings of pride and accomplishment on the one hand and guilt, distress, and grief on the other, and it prompts healthcare professionals to identify and distance themselves from the residents to protect themselves from emotional suffering. These findings lead to greater insights into how NH professionals navigate these emotionally laden situations to meet the needs of the residents and the NH as well as their own needs. Drawing from these important findings, our discussion focuses on three key insights from the study: (1) Caring for dying residents results in both emotionally rewarding and emotionally exhausting experiences, (2) NH professionals have to perform emotional labour to navigate the experiences associated with providing palliative care, and (3) Unrecognized emotional labour undermines the wellbeing of NH professionals.
Genuine interest in caring for frail older persons is at the heart of the engagement and commitment demonstrated by the participants in our study. Participants described becoming emotionally attached to residents they care for as “unavoidable and the right thing to do,” especially given the expected “home-like” environment of the NH. In that sense, the affective dimension of working in NH and the internal motivation of the healthcare professionals aligned and helped them navigate the emotional labour of caring for dying residents and added meaning to their work. In line with other studies, the unique characteristics of NH, where care providers and residents engage repeatedly in deep personal and intimate exchanges for an extended time, forged closer and more trusting reciprocal relationships than are typically found within acute care setting nurse-patient interactions [ 35 , 36 ].
A majority of participants recalled the emotionally rewarding experiences associated with caring for frail and dying residents. The NH professionals described accompanying residents as their professional duty and took pride in making their last days as dignified, comfortable, home-like, and respectful as possible. Moreover, accompanying residents in their final moments was considered a moral responsibility by participants. The positive experiences and feelings stemming from close and trusting relationships with residents have been recognized by previous studies as central to the emotional wellbeing of NH professionals [ 15 ]. Direct caregivers for dying residents characterize those particular moments as the rare moments they feel appreciated, noticed, and like they are making a difference in settings where they generally feel unseen [ 36 ]. In particular, our participants expressed positive emotions such as engagement, pride, accomplishment, and self-worth in situations where they felt they had achieved dignity in caring for the dying residents. This is relevant because dignity represents an essential part of caring in NHs and in palliative care [ 37 , 38 ]. These personal characteristics and intrinsic motives constitute the internal resources and resilience attributes that allow healthcare professionals to cope with distressing situations surrounding accompanying death in NHs [ 10 ]. Future interventions and training should aim to reinforce the internal resources of NH professionals with a strong focus on building resilience.
Although participants perceived caring for dying residents as a rewarding experience, when the challenging working conditions within NH hindered them from achieving their moral and professional responsibility, it turned the experience into difficult emotional labour. The current NH working environment fails to provide necessary organisational resources and subsequently creates discrepancies between the ideals held by NH professionals on what constitutes the right comfort care to provide and the current practices. Under severe labour shortages, NHs prioritize technical and task-oriented activities over relational moments [ 39 ]. However, for participants in this study, not being present to hold the hands of the dying resident left them feeling guilty of failing their moral responsibility and their professional duty. Consistent with previous studies, the NH culture was found to prioritize tasks and expect healthcare professionals to be consistently “doing something” for residents versus “being” with residents [ 13 , 40 ]. This dissonance creates the most difficult emotional challenges, moral concerns, and distress for NH professionals [ 25 ]. That perceived inability to facilitate a “good death” due to organisational constraints results in moral distress for NH professionals and complicates their grieving process [ 23 , 41 ]. Echoing this, participants in our study shared how emotionally burdensome it was to constantly feel guilty of devoting less time to the “dying resident” because they were required to attend to the “living residents” instead. NH managers and policymakers should take measures to build a culture that enables healthcare professionals to prioritize the emotional needs of residents alongside their physical care needs, as both are equally important to end-of-life care.
Participants in the current study used different emotional labour strategies to navigate the rewarding and challenging aspects of caring for dying residents in the NH context. Some adopted distancing strategies, such as focusing on task-based care and mechanical actions as well as avoiding feelings and emotional involvement, while others trivialized death or denied the impending death of residents. This process of strategy switching between engagement and detachment is prevalent among palliative care professionals as a way of coping with emotional demands and preventing grief [ 13 , 23 ].
Numerous participants reported that they tended to modify their feelings by displaying emotions that were different from those they felt. For example, some noted “wiping [their] face and showing a smiley face,” while others suppressed their feelings to “become numb and move on” in an attempt to display composure in the moment and comply with institutional rules. Attempting to modify one’s felt emotions to match displayed emotions is known as deep acting, whereas displaying fake, unfelt emotions and suppressing one’s felt emotions indicates a surface acting strategy [ 18 ]. The emotional strategies used by the participants in our study are similar to those commonly used by healthcare professionals in different care contexts [ 12 ]. Particularly in the NH context, emotional labour is intensified by the long-term therapeutic relationship, as the longer the therapeutic relationship the more complicated the emotional labour [ 7 , 15 ]. Participants in our study shared that the stronger and the closer the bond with the resident, the harder it was to navigate the emotional labour associated with witnessing their suffering and providing them with end-of-life care. Debates persist on the appropriate emotional distance to take when accompanying a resident with whom the healthcare professional has formed a close bond. It is noteworthy, however, that healthcare professionals who try to convey caring while remaining emotionally detached may experience increased emotional dissonance and potentially negative effects [ 23 ]. This phenomenon resonates particularly within the NH care context, where professional boundaries are blurred and difficult to respect [ 6 ].
Some participants in this study identified the importance of safe spaces where they can freely express their emotions without faking and without feeling judged, such as spending time informally with colleagues during breaks or with relatives at home. Researchers classify this as the backstage area of emotional expression, owing to the lack of formal recognition and poor appreciation of emotional labour in practice [ 42 , 43 ]. Given the complexity of emotional labour associated with providing palliative and end-of-life care in NHs, scholars recommend more strengthened, explicit, and structured backstage areas to recognize the emotional needs of healthcare professionals and support their emotional growth and resilience [ 43 ]. Unfortunately, findings from our study reiterate the inadequate support available in the NH context for their mental and emotional wellbeing.
In a few instances, some participants in our study allowed themselves to express naturally felt emotions. The close bond they had formed with residents prompted those who adopted the genuine manifestation of feelings to view the resident’s death as a parallel of their own loved one’s death; hence, they allowed themselves to react accordingly. Some took a leave of absence to process the grief, while others requested formal support as they struggled to come to terms with the death of the resident. Studies have shown that adopting naturally felt emotions as an emotional labour strategy can protect healthcare professionals from burnout, as it allows for authenticity and empathy expressions in care [ 12 ]. Genuine emotions have also been found to support nurses in the provision of compassionate care and to inspire cooperation from less-cooperative residents [ 6 ]. In our study, however, the absence of a formal supportive space within the NH to vent emotions discouraged the genuine expression of feelings. Even in the few NHs where opportunities for emotional sharing existed through support groups and psychologist interventions, the participants were reluctant to take advantage of these opportunities. One possible explanation could be that openly expressing emotions might be seen as a sign of weakness, incompetency, and inability to respect professional boundaries. Yet, organisational studies have shown that when grief and emotional suffering are acknowledged and collectively shared as a team, emotional distress is no longer perceived as an individual weakness but rather a collective suffering that requires collective measures to address. However, this cultural shift is only possible when it is supported by the institution through the provision of time, space, and opportunity to debrief and grieve [ 44 ].
This study revealed that the emotions experienced by professionals receive relatively little attention within the NH context. This finding supports other studies that have highlighted the invisible nature of the emotional labour endured by healthcare professionals in end-of-life and palliative care within NHs [ 7 , 15 ]. Current institutional rules reinforced by professional norms such as the self-imposed emotional strategies used by healthcare professionals implicitly discourage the open expression of emotions and position genuine displays of emotion as incompetence [ 6 ]. Considering the expression of emotions as weak and a sign of a problem to be addressed leads to emotional labour being unrecognized, professionally undervalued, and even discriminated against [ 24 ]. This is deeply problematic, as unrecognized emotional labour can lead to personal, professional, and organisational negative outcomes.
The effect of emotional labour on a healthcare professional varies depending on the frequency, intensity, diversity, and length of the needed emotional displays as well as the degree of emotional dissonance between the emotions experienced and those anticipated [ 14 ]. Evidence demonstrates that a constant mismatch between felt feelings and displayed emotions leads to emotional dissonance, an internal state of conflict that can cause healthcare professionals to experience difficulty in patient interactions, high levels of stress and burnout [ 12 ], emotional “estrangement” (p.443) [ 13 ], and increased intention to leave [ 45 ]. Consistent with these studies, participants in our study felt drained and worn out by the emotional efforts associated with caring for the dying residents. They experienced guilt and feelings of powerlessness and failure, and a significant number expressed their intention to leave the NH.
At the organisational level, studies have demonstrated that poor patient outcomes and poor quality of care, including missing care opportunities and mistreating residents, are potential negative outcomes of emotional exhaustion and unrecognized emotional labour, as well as lower levels of staff recruitment and retention [ 46 ]. In contrast, emerging evidence suggests that when institutional expectations allow and support authentic emotional expression, positive effects can result for healthcare professionals, care recipients, and the healthcare system [ 12 , 14 ].
The findings from this study expand our understanding of the complex emotional demands associated with caring for dying residents in NHs. Caring for frail older persons requires extensive time, effort, and mental and physical energy, and it involves the interplay of physical and emotional tasks and skills [ 13 ]. These findings represent a valuable contribution to the NH care system, a system that has been predominated by instrumental-focused care. The data highlights the need for a paradigm shift toward valuing the emotional labour involved in accompanying life and death in contexts that are not palliative-care specialised. Upholding quality care alongside the wellbeing of healthcare professionals requires an organisational culture that does not separate instrumental acts from the emotional labour at the very heart of the caring profession. Instead, it requires organisational changes that result in emotional support seen as a collective routine practice that strengthens the team rather than as an individual responsibility and weakness. This will allow NH professionals to regularly share their feelings and emotions, leading to emotional openness and acceptance [ 40 ].
Regular in-service training initiatives should be put in place in NHs to equip healthcare professionals with effective emotional management skills. In particular, the nursing assistants and personal support workers in our study appeared to be most affected by the negative impact of emotional labour. These categories of professional groups require tailored training to help bridge their skill gap. Capacity building approaches such as critical companionship have been proven to equip healthcare professionals with skills on the effective use of emotions in therapeutic relationships and to allow them to reflect on the use of self in caring [ 19 ]. As a lack of institutional support and peer support discourages emotional expression, NH settings should reinforce work environments in which leadership, supervisor, and co-worker support are an integral part of routine practices.
Structural deficiencies such as inadequate staffing, heavy workloads, and competing tasks leave NH healthcare professionals with inadequate time to provide optimal care. This underpins most of the challenges healthcare professionals experience in the NH context and is a primary factor in the emotional burden they experience when they fail to provide quality palliative care to dying residents. There is a need to adapt resource allocation to the complexity of providing palliative care within NHs. Further studies are needed to design interventions that support emotional regulation while increasing the resilience and emotional intelligence of healthcare professionals in NHs.
A strength of our study was the use of individual and focus groups interviews, which enabled a comprehensive exploration of individual and group views on emotional labour of NH professionals. Including professionals involved in direct care and leaders, i.e. nurse and medical coordinators, enabled to capture a diverse set of experiences and perspectives across professional categories and roles. This study did not intend to establish the levels of influence of factors such as professional category, years of work experience, level of interaction with residents or settings characteristics on emotional labour and strategies used. This may constitute the focus of future research.
This study brought to the forefront the complex emotional labour performed by NH professionals while caring for residents requiring palliative care. The results demonstrated that emotions are an undeniable part of caring for frail and dying older persons in the context of a home-like environment; however, current NH culture discourages genuine emotional sharing and emphasizes emotional suppression. Unrecognized emotions undermine the wellbeing of healthcare professionals, leading to negative individual and organisational outcomes. Understanding and acknowledging the emotional labour of NH professionals is critical to supporting their wellbeing, resilience, and retention, and it ultimately may improve the quality of care for dying residents. The stigma surrounding the emotional labour of caring can be broken by decision makers who design healthy workplace environments that celebrate emotional transparency as a strength as well as by each and every healthcare worker who bravely displays their genuine emotions in hopes to shape a new culture that fully acknowledges their humanity alongside their professional skills.
The datasets used in this study are available on a reasonable request from the corresponding author.
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The authors of this article sincerely thank the funders of this study cited above and the scientific committee members for their valuable support. We acknowledge the contributions of all members of the Padi-Palli team. We are also grateful to the nursing homes and professionals who participated in the study. The authors thank Professor Margaret Fitch for her valuable insights into the manuscript.
This study was supported by the French Ministry of Health and Solidarity through a call for projects PREPS (Healthcare System Performance Research Program): grant number PREPS 19–0066, by the Association des Dames du Calvaire (ADC) and by the Regional Health Agencies (Agence Régionale de Santé) of Ile de France (ARS IDF) and Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur (ARS PACA). The funders had no role or responsibilities in the study design, data collection, data management, analysis and interpretation, or publication of this manuscript.
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Benoite Umubyeyi, Danièle Leboul & Emmanuel Bagaragaza
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EB conceptualized and designed the study, collected and analysed the data, and revised the manuscript. BU analysed the data and drafted and revised the manuscript. DL analysed the data and revised the manuscript. All authors have reviewed and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Emmanuel Bagaragaza .
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Research ethics approval for this study was granted by the French Committee of Protection of Person, approval number 2020.09.06 bis 20.07.31.64318. The study is registered in the National Study Database as ID-RCB 2020-A01832-37. The use of databases and data processing were implemented in accordance with French law (“Informatique et Libertés” dated January 6, 1978 and amended June 20, 2018) and European regulations (General Data Protection Regulation - GDPR dated April 27, 2016). All participants provided their informed consent in writing before their inclusion in the study. Confidentiality was ensured using codes and pseudonyms.
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Umubyeyi, B., Leboul, D. & Bagaragaza, E. “ You close the door , wipe your sadness and put on a smiling face ”: a qualitative study of the emotional labour of healthcare professionals providing palliative care in nursing homes in France. BMC Health Serv Res 24 , 1070 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-024-11550-7
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Learning and Teaching
The Department of Chemical Engineering at University of Bath has run focus groups with students to understand how staff can enhance climate and sustainability teaching provision in their courses. In May 2024, the Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (ED&I) Committee Chair Dr Hannah Leese and departmental Climate Advocate Dr Sandhya Moise co-organised a consultation session with final-year Chemical Engineering students, one of whom also sits on the ED&I Committee. Participants were drawn from the MEng Chemical Engineering and MEng Environmental Engineering courses. The focus groups prioritised discussion of the links between sustainability and social justice in these disciplinary contexts.
Published on: 16/09/2024 · Last updated on: 18/09/2024
The impetus for the consultation, which aligned climate change, sustainability, and ED&I efforts across the department, stemmed from the recognition that climate change is intricately linked with questions of social justice: climate change disproportionately affects vulnerable and marginalised communities, limiting their access to resources such as clean water, food, energy, and healthcare. As such, engineering solutions must be inclusive and avoid exacerbating inequalities. Future engineers must be equipped with the skills and tools to evaluate climate change solutions through a lens of equality, diversity, and inclusivity. How, then, can engineering curricula respond to this challenge?
The student focus groups identified key areas that will feed into the continuous development of the Chemical Engineering curriculum:
Student feedback on the session was very positive: “I found the EDI-Sustainability focus group to be valuable, as it provided a safe space to voice our views and experiences, and to reassure us that diverse student perceptions and viewpoints are heard and valued. My main takeaways were a deeper understanding of existing EDI and sustainability initiatives in the department, and how these aspects are currently recognised and embedded into the Chemical Engineering curriculum. I appreciated the opportunity to give constructive feedback on how this can be built upon, with the understanding this can be used for continuous improvement for future cohorts.”
Following the focus groups, the Department is introducing further mechanisms to ensure that students are at the heart of its initiative to align climate and sustainability education with ED&I and social justice perspectives. The Department of Chemical Engineering will continue working alongside the Chemical Engineering Sustainability Group (CESG; a subsidiary of the Chemical Engineering Student Association) to enable students to drive the sustainability agenda forward within the department. Dr Moise runs a ‘Climate change and Chemical Engineering’ talk in Freshers Week to foreground this aspect of the curriculum and to signpost the CESG. The CESG President is also regularly invited to appropriate lectures across year groups to remind students of opportunities for engagement. In parallel, the ED&I Committee Chair attends all Head of Department Welcome Talks for Freshers and returning students and is working closely with teaching staff across the Department to support students to reflect on inclusive design, and ED&I experiences. Provision in this area is driven by a broad belief that both ED&I perspectives and climate and sustainability education necessitate an engagement with students’ broader lived experience, an insight borne out by the focus groups.
Do you want to know more about embedding climate and sustainability skills in your teaching? Find guidance and resources for embedding sustainability in the curriculum on the Teaching Hub, or learn more about Climate Action Education at Bath.
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In a non-military setting, the answer is clear: it would be unethical to treat someone based on non-medical considerations such as nationality. We argue that Battlefield Triage is a moral tragedy, meaning that it is a situation in which there is no morally blameless decision and that the demands of justice cannot be satisfied.
INTRODUCTION
Medical resources in an austere environment without quick recourse for resupply or casualty evacuation are often limited. The shortage extends not only to supplies like blood products and drugs, but physicians and other medical personnel. In the midst of a mass casualty scenario, such as a battle that includes intense ground fighting, the medical staff will stretch scarce resources and triage casualties according to specific criteria. Typically, they proceed by providing care for the most severely wounded first, referred to here as conventional triage. At times, though, the staff may reverse the triage so that soldiers with minor wounds can return to the fight. In a mass casualty situation, when medical personnel apply conventional triage and treat casualties from opposing forces, a dilemma may arise. We argue that it can be permissible for military physicians to prioritize their own soldiers over enemy combatants in a mass casualty triage, where reverse triage does not apply. The case we will focus on is as follows:
Battlefield Triage: During combat operations on a remote island in the Pacific Ocean, a compatriot soldier and an enemy combatant arrive at the compatriot soldier country’s medical treatment facility. Both have similar gunshot wounds to the abdomen, and they arrive with similar conditions. Both have low oxygen saturation and excessive blood loss. The sole physician only has enough time to stabilize one person.
The scenario is brief, and we are aware that medical rules of eligibility will most often dictate how the physician proceeds, [1] but this scenario is useful in setting up the question we focus on in this paper: would it be wrong to favor the stabilization of a soldier just because the soldier is the physician’s compatriot? In other words, can nationality serve as an ethically justified tiebreaker in a situation such as Battlefield Triage? [2]
In a non-military setting, the answer is clear: it would be unethical to treat someone based on non-medical considerations such as nationality. The AMA’s Code of Medical Ethics asserts that physicians have “ethical obligations to place patients’ welfare above their self-interest and above obligations to other groups.” [3] The World Medical Association’s Declaration of Tokyo affirms that “no motive, whether personal, collective or political, shall prevail against this higher purpose” of alleviating distress. [4] Physicians are taught early on that triage decisions must be medically indicated and made without consideration of factors such as race, ethnicity, religion, social status, and nationality. They are taught that public trust and obligations of justice grounded in equality demand that only medical indications be considered. But military physicians in a military setting are beholden to obligations, duties, and responsibilities as members of the military, and when these obligations, duties, and responsibilities conflict, as they do in Battlefield Triage, which loyalties win out and why? [5]
Critics of partiality on national grounds argue that partiality undermines public trust in medicine and justice because everyone should be treated equally regardless of nationality. [6] Proponents of partiality argue that military obligations supersede equality and that justice requires partiality in such cases. [7] Despite the critics’ disagreement, both agree that there is a morally right, perhaps even blameless, course of action. Drawing on insights from virtue ethics, we argue that Battlefield Triage is a moral tragedy in which justice is unattainable and there is no action without moral cost. The assumption that there is a morally right choice is flawed. We argue that while no decision in this scenario is free from moral blame, there are reasons to favor treating one’s soldiers over enemy combatants.
I. The Case Against Partiality
There is a common assumption that there is a morally right or just decision in Battlefield Triage. A number of organizations and scholars claim that it is wrong for military physicians to favor their own soldiers on the grounds of nationality or some form of ‘group membership.’ (In a conflict involving service members from multiple nations working as a coalition, a soldier from an allied country may receive the same priority as the US service member due to ‘group membership.’) The World Medical Association’s WMA Declaration of Lisbon on the Rights of the Patient, which was reaffirmed in 2015, posits that, “[i]n circumstances where a choice must be made between potential patients for a particular treatment that is in limited supply, all such patients are entitled to a fair selection procedure for that treatment. That choice must be based on medical criteria and made without discrimination.” [8] This echoes what was set forth in Article 12 of the Geneva Conventions, which states that “[o]nly urgent medical reasons will authorize priority in the order of treatment to be administered.” [9] The argument for impartiality in Battlefield Triage is that every person is morally equal, and equality entails that medical distribution is, “based on a combination of medical need and urgency.” [10] This is in keeping with the bioethical principles that are generally applied. [11]
II. The Case for Partiality
On the other side, there are arguments that favoritism is the ethically right decision in Battlefield Triage. [12] The argument asserts that members of the military form a morally significant community of friends and participation in these relationships demands partiality. Just as parents have strong ethical duties to their children and not just any children, military personnel have ethical duties to their group, a group that involves an affirmation of mutual aid and support. Some have termed these ‘associative duties. According to Michael Gross, obligations of friendship, care, and solidarity “leave very little room for generally applicable principles of justice that would obligate a medic to treat enemy or non-compatriot wounded ahead of their compatriots.” [13] This is true in Battlefield Triage, but it may also be true even if the enemy’s soldier were more seriously wounded: “the ethics of small group cohesion, largely an ethics of care, mostly replaces the demands of impartial justice.” [14] In a more recent article, Gross explains that preferential treatment is ethically justified based on fighting capability and “the special obligations people owe friends, family, and, no less, comrades-in-arms.” [15] To not show partiality to the US soldier would be morally wrong on the grounds of friendship and mutual care. [16]
III. The Moral Tragedy of Battlefield Triage
Defenders and critics of Battlefield Triage favoritism based on nationality both frame their position as just or fair. For example, Justin List argues that physicians are “bound to practice medical neutrality,” [17] Marcus Adams denies that physicians “possess special ethical obligations” to enemy combatants because of their profession. [18] These perspectives assume that there is a morally right decision and that justice is attainable. The assumption that there is or can be a morally right Battlefield Triage decision, and we need to put our heads together to figure it out, remains strongly entrenched. However, the facts of the situation should give us pause; there are too many people and too few resources, and this demands a decision-making process that determines who will receive scarce resources. By its very nature, a battlefield triage decision has to be made based on some characteristic or value, a characteristic or value that will inevitably favor some at the expense of others. This is precisely why competing analyses “in the military context struggle to resolve these conflicts satisfactorily.” [19]
Drawing on the insights of virtue ethics, we suggest that Battlefield Triage is a moral tragedy. Virtue ethics suggests that morality is about acting virtuously, which is to say that we should do what a virtuous person would do in the situation. Ethics is about figuring out how a just, wise, compassionate, loving, and fair person would act, and then doing that, as one grows in virtue. But life is not always clear cut, and it is possible that virtuous people may find themselves in a moral tragedy, a situation in which, through no fault of one’s own, a person must make a morally objectionable decision. After the action the virtuous person “emerges having done a terrible thing, the very sort of thing that the callous, dishonest, unjust, or in general vicious agent would characteristically do.” [20] Stated differently, a moral tragedy presents a virtuous person with two or more courses of action, all of which have a moral cost. [21] In Battlefield Triage, no matter how the physician goes about deciding, there is going to be defensible concern from those not saved. The fact that there are more people than can be helped fosters competing values in battlefield triage: maximize lives saved, treat people equally, treat the worse off, and support the war effort. Treating people equally may create tension between treating the worse off, maximizing lives saved, and supporting the war effort. Reverse triage is a case in point, as supporting the war effort conflicts with treating the worse off first, as is a fair lottery system since deploying a lottery may not maximize lives saved or support the war effort. There can be reasons why one person is selected over another, to be sure. Yet, there are reasons for making a decision, and that the decision is subject to legitimate moral concern is another.
To recognize the moral tragedy of Battlefield Triage is to recognize the impossibility of acting blamelessly in the situation. In this situation, the virtuous military physician is going to have to sacrifice important values such as justice, compassion, and respect for others, even with a defensible criterion in hand. The physician will grieve this sacrifice accordingly. The physician may find her decision difficult or stressful, and rightly so, because of what her circumstances require of her. This kind of moral tragedy results “in actions which betray and violate the rights of persons to whom there may be a strong duty of care. When this happens, it properly triggers an appropriate moral emotion since our moral integrity has been violated and this affects how we think of ourselves and what we have become.” [22] Rather than view her triage decision as the morally superior choice, the virtuous military physician will view her decisions in these circumstances in a different light: it is the least bad option in a terrible situation, and she did something ethically problematic, something that is contrary to her moral character. She deeply regrets the circumstances in which she had to act.
IV. Virtue Ethics
A virtue ethicist has insight into how one should go about deciding what to do in a moral tragedy, although virtue ethics may not be as helpful as one may hope. The goal of the virtuous military physician in Battlefield Triage is to adopt the best course of action or the action that she feels she ought to do, all things considered. This does not make her choice devoid of serious wrongdoing—a decision must be made, but that does not make it just. The virtuous military physician will approach the situation with courage, responsibility, and insight. She will think about the decision carefully, wisely, and conscientiously; she will weigh the goods and harms of the choices before her, in conjunction with a proper conception of the good life, human worth, and understanding of her obligations to others—including chain of command, fellow soldiers, and the medical community. She is attuned to the value of human life and has a reasonable idea of the various ways her decisions will affect others. She recognizes that she is in this non-ideal situation through no fault of her own: she is not the one fighting in battles; she is serving her country as a physician, whose job it is to save lives, treat everyone justly, and promote military objectives. She regrets the decision she is forced to make in battlefield triage, acting “with immense regret and pain,” Hursthouse explains, “instead of indifferently or gladly.” [23] This is because, no matter what decision is made, the virtuous military physician “does something terrible or horrible,” something she otherwise would not do and is contrary to her values. [24]
V. A Resolvable Moral Tragedy
Instead of asking whether there is a morally right decision, in which a decision is morally blameless and above reproach, the virtue ethicist asks whether there is a decision with a convincing rationale, knowing that a decision can have a clear rationale but still be morally tragic. It is perfectly reasonable to think that different virtuous persons will arrive at different courses of action: “two virtuous agents, in the same situation,” Hursthouse writes, “may act differently” in irresolvable moral tragedies, in cases in which there is no clear course of action. [25]
Because a person must act in a moral tragedy, one goal is to identify reasons for choosing the chosen action. Some decisions are clearly indefensible—treating neither the compatriot soldier nor the enemy combatant in Battlefield Triage would be wrong—and some decisions are more problematic than others. If the military physician selects to treat the soldier because she does not like the enemy combatant’s skin color, such a reason would be deeply problematic. But much of the debate over how to act in a moral tragedy is not over clearly indefensible or problematic criteria.
Instead, the literature is largely about different standards or implementations of justice. Some scholars defend nation-impartial triage as right, while others defend nation-aware triage as right, and each argues that the other side is promoting an unjust or otherwise wrong solution to Battlefield Triage.
We suggest that Battlefield Triage is a resolvable moral tragedy and that virtue ethics offers convincing reasons to prefer the treatment of the compatriot soldier rather than the enemy combatant on the grounds of national identity. Virtues are integral to living a good life, a flourishing life, but as Aristotle observed long ago, human beings are inherently social, interdependent and interconnected in profound ways. [26] This goes beyond the obvious fact that we need each other to survive day to day (one person makes clothes, another farms, and another makes tools); the claim is that a good or flourishing life depends in large part on one’s social network or community. This is why many of Aristotle’s moral virtues are other facing: justice, friendship, generosity, and magnanimity, to name a few. Courage, a typically self-facing virtue, is understood by Aristotle to be the virtue that regards one’s fear of death in battle, a battle fought on behalf of one’s city. [27] All of this remains true today. Namely, there is an important sense in which our community matters to our lives: it is easier to live a good, flourishing life if one is part of a good, flourishing community.
Our community is made up of smaller groups, and it is more accurate to say that we are simultaneous members of different groups within a broader community. A person may be part of a family, friend group, research team, large state university, city, state, and nation. Groups can function well or not, as we all have experienced, and this suggests that there are virtues or excellences that groups can instantiate. Good groups are unified in purpose, with each member doing their duty alongside others for the attainment of that purpose. Good groups manifest solidarity among their members. Although Aristotle does not list solidarity as a virtue, a number of modern-day virtue ethicists have begun examining how group solidarity can be a virtue that contributes to a good or flourishing life. [28] Solidarity is not conceptualized as an individual virtue, a virtue possessed by a person in isolation of others; instead, it is a collective virtue, a virtue that is shared among members of a defined group with particular ends. [29]
“A group has solidarity to the extent that its members are disposed to: (1) share values, aims, or goals; (2) care about those values, aims, or goals; (3) act in accordance with those values, aims, or goals; (4) trust the testimony of other group members with respect to those values, aims, and goals; and (5) feel a sense of belonging to the group.” [30]
The virtue of collective or group solidarity involves individuals having special concern for each other, shared aims and values, trust, loyalty, and a sense of belonging with these specific others. There is a oneness to the group in the pursuit of a definite goal or purpose, involving mutual support and affirmation of each member. As such, the group has ends and goods above and beyond the good of each individual person. Sometimes solidarity requires personal sacrifice for the collective (for example, a father sacrificing food so his child can eat).
The virtue of collective or group solidarity is important to the military and medical community at every level, and for clear reasons. In the military, there is a clear hierarchy of command, unity of purpose and end, mutual trust and support in complex settings, and so on. Soldiers need to know they can count on one another, and solidarity grounds a soldier’s ability to trust others and be assured of mutual aid. In medicine, solidarity maintains self-regulation of the profession, shared values and goals, as well as public support, not to mention that day-to-day operations require physician trust, engagement, and effort toward the ends of clinical care. Physicians need to work together, along with others, in pursuit of health, and disunity is sowed when there is mistrust, selfishness, or disengagement among the healthcare team and organization. Importantly, just as we are all members of various groups and hence may manifest group solidarity in different settings, the virtuous military physician instantiates collective solidarity with both the medical profession and the military. Her dual loyalty contributes to the moral difficulty of acting in Battlefield Triage.
The military physician has competing obligations to distinct groups and cannot satisfy all obligations in Battlefield Triage. Solidarity with the military supports the consideration of favoring the soldier for reasons of national identity, whereas solidarity with the medical community does not. Something has to give, which is why it is a moral tragedy. The virtuous military physician, therefore, must weigh the costs of each course of action. To fulfill her obligations to the medical community would require that she does not use nationality and other non-medical considerations in Battlefield Triage. Since the soldier and enemy combatant are equally injured, justice would demand a random process, perhaps a flip of the coin. Although this may satisfy obligations the military physician has to the medical community, this would be costly to the physician’s military group. If word gets out that the physician decides who to treat based on a coin toss, soldiers, families, and citizens may become frustrated and angry. Soldier morale may go down if it becomes known that a coin flip led to the preventable death of a soldier and the saving of an enemy combatant who had killed (or attempted to kill) other soldiers. As Gross highlights, military solidarity involves a mutual aid promise that military personnel promise to help one another. [31] A military physician is part of the military and, as such, is part of the mutual aid promise, which would appear to be violated if the physician flips a coin. Treating a member of one’s own team may be psychologically more beneficial than treating an enemy combatant and may lead to less moral distress. [32] Finally, treating soldiers rather than enemy combatants promotes broader military and social aims, including returning soldiers to health, maintaining unity of purpose, and minimizing community suffering from a soldier’s death.
Favoring members of one’s group, that is, triage based on nationality in Battlefield Triage, would fulfill obligations of military group loyalty, which is contrary to the values and duties of medicine. It does not seem as though showing favoritism in this particular situation is very costly to the medical community or general public, but this is because there is recognition that the physician is in the military. Medicine is impartial to non-medical indications partly because of fairness and to promote public trust in medicine. However, Battlefield Triage is unique, as medicine is being practiced in a non-public, wartime setting. In ordinary circumstances, a patient’s identity is irrelevant, and physicians ought not play favorites. Since Battlefield Triage is not an ordinary circumstance, decisions based on patient identity may not undermine public trust in medicine.
In addition, it is contestable that fairness in Battlefield Triage requires that no consideration be paid to one’s nationality. Fairness is about giving each person their due, what is owed to them, and the case can be made that soldiers who place themselves in danger for the sake of the common good or a just cause are owed special attention when they suffer harm in the line of duty. In other words, soldiers voluntarily undergo risk to themselves for the greater good, and society owes them for this sacrifice. This plausibly includes preferential treatment in a situation such as Battlefield Triage. So, while the medical community affirms justice demands non-preferential treatment, the military community can affirm the opposite. The demands of fairness are unclear at best or in conflict in this situation: demands of physician justice decry favoritism, while demands of military justice support favoritism. Triage not based on nationality is arguably unfair and triage based on nationality may not undermine public trust, after all.
All things considered, there is a clear rationale for favoring nationality-based preferential treatment in Battlefield Triage. Adopting a nationality-based preference in this situation is more defensible than not. This does not make such a decision ethically right or just. Preference based on nationality is the least bad decision, but it is not morally blameless. It involves one in a serious moral wrong, a wrong otherwise avoided and contrary to one’s character. The virtuous military physician is in a situation in which obligations conflict, and we disagree with Gross, who posits that care of fellow soldiers “is important to the near exclusion of all else.” [33] Gross fails to appreciate the collective virtue of solidarity as applied to those in medicine. The military physician has duties to fellow soldiers but also to fellow physicians, to the medical community, and humanity. To favor a soldier on grounds of nationality violates her duties and responsibilities to this latter group. She is involved in a moral tragedy and can only seek the most just action given the circumstances, yet, at least in virtue ethics, the action remains far from blameless.
We argue that Battlefield Triage is a moral tragedy, meaning that it is a situation in which there is no morally blameless decision and that the demands of justice cannot be satisfied. As such, the virtuous military physician incurs a moral cost to acting as she does—there is a moral residue. However, despite being a moral tragedy, there are clear reasons to act in favor of treating one’s own, considering group solidarity. As such, these kinds of tragedies are resolvable: virtuous military physicians should favor treatment of their own, although they would do so with sorrow.
[1] Militaries set forth medical rules of eligibility or guidelines used to determine whether a person qualifies for specific medical interventions or treatments in certain circumstances, and these guidelines are binding for a military physician. For example, despite opposition from medical organizations, militaries have adopted reverse triage guidelines for military physicians to follow. For ethical discussion, see Falzone, Elisabeth, P. Pasquier, C. Hoffmann, O. Barbier, M. Boutonnet, A. Salvadori, A. Jarrassier, J. Renner, B. Malgras, and S. Mérat. "Triage in military settings." Anaesthesia Critical Care & Pain Medicine 36, no. 1 (2017): 43-51. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.accpm.2016.05.004
[2] There are issues that are related to this, including the triage of civilians and allied soldiers. We set related issues aside for purposes of this paper
[3] American Medical Association, Code of Medical Ethics: Current Opinions with Annotations, 2004–2005 ed. (Chicago, IL: AMA, 2004), 300.
[4] American Medical Association, Code of Medical Ethics: Current Opinions with Annotations, 2004–2005 ed. (Chicago, IL: AMA, 2004), 300.
[5] This is termed the “dual loyalty” dilemma in military medicine and has been described at length elsewhere: Institute of Medicine (US) Board on Health Sciences Policy. Military Medical Ethics: Issues regarding Dual Loyalties: Workshop Summary. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2008. Toward a Framework for Resolving Dual Loyalties. Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK214853/
[6] See Kenneth G. Swan and K.G. Swan, Jr., “Triage: The Past Revisited,” Military Medicine 161:8 (1996): 448–452. https://doi.org/10.1093/milmed/161.8.448; Jerome A. Singh, “American Physicians and dual loyalty obligations in the ‘war on terror,’” BMC Medical Ethics 4.4 (2003): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1186/1472-6939-4-4; Beam, Thomas E. "Medical Ethics on the Battlefield." Military Medical Ethics: Sect. IV. Medical ethics in the military. Medical ethics on the battlefield: the crucible of military medical ethics 2 (2003): 369-402; Hereth, Blake. "Health justice for unjust combatants." Journal of Military Ethics 20, no. 1 (2021): 67-81. https://doi.org/10.1080/15027570.2021.1949782.
[7] See Adams, Marcus P. "Triage priorities and military physicians." In Physicians at war: The dual-loyalties challenge, pp. 215-236. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2008. Gross, Michael L. "Comradery, community, and care in military medical ethics." Theoretical medicine and bioethics 32 (2011): 337-350. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11017-011-9189-6. Gross, Michael L. "The limits of impartial medical treatment during armed conflict." In Military medical ethics for the 21st century, pp. 71-84. Routledge, 2016.
[8] World Medical Association, WMA Declaration of Lisbon on the Rights of the Patient. 5 December 2022, https://www.wma.net/policies-post/wma-declaration-of-lisbon-on-the-rights-of-the-patient/
[9] Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick in Armed Forces in the Field. 12 August 1949. https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.30_GC-I-EN.pdf.
[10] List, Justin M. "Medical neutrality and political activism: physicians' roles in conflict situations." In Physicians at war: The dual-loyalties challenge, pp. 237-253. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2008. 240
[11] Beauchamp, T., and J. Childress. 2013. Principles of Biomedical Ethics, 7th ed. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
[12] Adams, Marcus P. "Triage priorities and military physicians." In Physicians at war: The dual-loyalties challenge, pp. 215-236. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2008.
[13] Gross, "Comradery, community, and care in military medical ethics," 347.
[14] Gross, “Comradery, community, and care in military medical ethics,” 349.
[15] Gross, Michael L. "When medical ethics and military ethics collide." Narrative inquiry in bioethics 13, no. 3 (2023): 199-204. 202 https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nib.2023.a924191
[16] Our argument draws on virtue ethics, from which care ethics derives, and it is worth clarifying how our argument relates to Gross’s. We do not think that the virtue of friendship grounds triage decisions, for we think it is unlikely that the physician and wounded soldier are friends. Instead, as explained below, we think the collective virtue of group solidarity better captures the moral significance of group loyalty and that Gross would agree with us. But since military physicians are part of distinct groups, with competing obligations, the military physician will be forced to sacrifice a value in battlefield triage cases. In other words, we think Gross downplays the dual group membership of a military physician.
[17] List,”Medical neutrality and political activism,” 250.
[18] Adams,”Triage priorities and military physicians,” 235.
[19] London, Leslie, Leonard S. Rubenstein, Laurel Baldwin-Ragaven, and Adriaan Van Es. "Dual loyalty among military health professionals: human rights and ethics in times of armed conflict." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 15, no. 4 (2006): 381-391. 383.
[20] Hursthouse, R. On Virtue Ethics. OUP 1999. 74
[21] Nussbaum, Martha C. "The costs of tragedy: Some moral limits of cost-benefit analysis." The Journal of Legal Studies 29, no. S2 (2000): 1005-1036, 1007.
[22] De Wijze, S. (2005). Tragic-remorse–the anguish of dirty hands. Ethical theory and moral practice, 7(5), 453-471, 457. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10677-005-6836-x
[23] Hursthouse, 73
[24] Hursthouse, 81
[25] Hursthouse, 72
[26] Aristotle, Politics 1253a8. Reeve, C. D. C., Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 2017
[27] Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics. III.6.114a, 34-35. 2002, Nicomachean Ethics, Christopher Rowe (trans.), Oxford: Oxford University Press
[28] Byerly, T. Ryan, and Meghan Byerly. "Collective virtue." The Journal of Value Inquiry 50, no. 1 (2016): 33-50. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10790-015-9484-y; Federico, Veronica. "Conclusion: solidarity as a public virtue." Solidarity as a Public Virtue (2018): 495-542. https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845290058 . Rehg, William. "Solidarity and the common good: An analytic framework." Journal of Social Philosophy 38, no. 1 (2007): 7-21. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2007.00363.x
[29] Byerly and Byerly. "Collective virtue." 43
[30] Battaly, Heather. "Solidarity: Virtue or vice?." In Social virtue epistemology, pp. 303-324. Routledge, 2022. 304
[31] Ibid., 2011: 341
[32] It might be thought that displaying altruism by helping an enemy combatant at the expense of one’s fellow soldier may be psychologically satisfiying. For evidence that military physicians find it difficult to treat enemy combatants, see Lundberg, Kristina, Sofia Kjellström, Anders Jonsson, and Lars Sandman. "Experiences of Swedish military medical personnel in combat zones: adapting to competing loyalties." Military medicine 179, no. 8 (2014): 821-826. https://doi.org/10.7205/MILMED-D-14-00038. Lamblin, Antoine, Clément Derkenne, Marion Trousselard, and Marie-Ange Einaudi. "Ethical challenges faced by French military doctors deployed in the Sahel (Operation Barkhane): a qualitative study." BMC Medical Ethics 22 (2021): 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12910-021-00723-2
[33] Ibid., 2011: 344
Associate Professor of Bioethics and Health Policy Central Michigan University's College of Medicine, MA and PhD Philosophy University of California, Irvine
Associate Professor and Director of Professionalism, Ethics & Humanities Rowan-Virtua School of Osteopathic Medicine, PhD Healthcare Ethics Duquesne University, MS Global Health and Infectious Disease University of Edinburgh
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License .
Call for experts, issued on: 18 september 2024, deadline: 26 september 2024.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is seeking regulators and regulatory experts to serve as members on Technical Advisory Group on clinical and policy considerations for new Tuberculosis (TB) vaccines. This “Call for experts” provides information about the advisory group in question, the expert profiles being sought, the process to express interest, and the process of selection.
Please note: This call was previously posted in July 2024; this is a second call to recruit additional regulatory experts and regulators, specifically.
Tuberculosis (TB) is a leading cause of death from an infectious agent, and a major contributor to antimicrobial resistance. About a quarter of the world’s population has been infected with Mycobacterium tuberculosis, most living in low-and-middle income countries. This population is at risk of developing TB disease. An estimated 10.6 million people fell ill with TB in 2022, an estimated 1.3 million people died.
W HO seeks to advance the development and deployment of new TB vaccines to prevent TB disease, with a focus on adolescents and adults in whom 90% of TB disease occurs. Prevention of TB disease in these populations, responsible for most of the transmission, will significantly reduce disease and incidence in all those at risk, including unvaccinated infants, children, older adults and other key populations, such as people living with HIV. There are several vaccine candidates in the pipeline, many in late-stage development, and effort is needed now to co-ordinate and where feasible align on regulatory expectations, provide guidance on clinical aspects such as optimal clinical endpoints and on anticipated evidence needs for policy at the global, regional and national levels.
WHO recently established the TB Vaccine Accelerator Council to facilitate the development, testing, authorization, & use of new TB vaccines. This TAG would form part of the working groups associated with the TB Vaccine Accelerator.
The TAG shall normally meet face-to-face at least once each year, and virtually up to 8 times per year. Interim teleconferences and review of draft documents may be required of the members. The working language of the group will be English.
The Technical Advisory Group (TAG) on clinical and policy considerations for new Tuberculosis (TB) vaccines will be multidisciplinary, with members who have a range of technical knowledge, skills and experience relevant to novel TB vaccines, specifically their clinical development, regulatory approval, policy and implementation considerations to support WHO prequalification. Approximately 25 individuals may be selected.
For this call, WHO welcomes expressions of interest from regulators, or experts with regulatory experience, particularly from high TB burden countries. Please note that we cannot accept applications from the private sector.
To register your interest in being considered for the TAG on clinical and policy considerations for new Tuberculosis (TB) vaccines, please submit the following documents by 26 September 2024 to [email protected] using the subject line “Expression of interest for the ‘Clinical and policy TAG on new TB vaccines’:
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All AG members will serve in their individual expert capacity and shall not represent any governments, any commercial industries or entities, any research, academic or civil society organizations, or any other bodies, entities, institutions or organizations. They are expected to fully comply with the Code of Conduct for WHO Experts ( https://www.who.int/about/ethics/declarations-of-interest ). AG members will be expected to sign and return a completed confidentiality undertaking prior to the beginning of the first meeting.
At any point during the selection process, telephone interviews may be scheduled between an applicant and the WHO Secretariat to enable WHO to ask questions relating to the applicant’s experience and expertise and/or to assess whether the applicant meets the criteria for membership in the relevant AG.
The selection of members of the AGs will be made by WHO in its sole discretion, taking into account the following (non-exclusive) criteria: relevant technical expertise; experience in international and country policy work; communication skills; and ability to work constructively with people from different cultural backgrounds and orientations .The selection of AG members will also take account of the need for diverse perspectives from different regions, especially from low and middle-income countries, and for gender balance.
If selected by WHO, proposed members will be sent an invitation letter and a Memorandum of Agreement. Appointment as a member of a AG will be subject to the proposed member returning to WHO the countersigned copy of these two documents.
WHO reserves the right to accept or reject any expression of interest , to annul the open call process and reject all expressions of interest at any time without incurring any liability to the affected applicant or applicants and without any obligation to inform the affected applicant or applicants of the grounds for WHO's action. WHO may also decide, at any time, not to proceed with the establishment of the AG, disband an existing TAG or modify the work of the AG.
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Step 1: Choose your topic of interest. Step 2: Define your research scope and hypotheses. Step 3: Determine your focus group questions. Step 4: Select a moderator or co-moderator. Step 5: Recruit your participants. Step 6: Set up your focus group. Step 7: Host your focus group.
A focus group is a qualitative fact-finding method involving a small group of five to 10 people discussing a specific topic or issue. A moderator leads the group, poses open-ended questions, and encourages participant discussion and interaction. A focus group aims to gain insights into participants' opinions, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors about the discussed topic.
Definition: A focus group is a qualitative research method used to gather in-depth insights and opinions from a group of individuals about a particular product, service, concept, or idea. The focus group typically consists of 6-10 participants who are selected based on shared characteristics such as demographics, interests, or experiences.
A focus group is a moderated group discussion on a pre-defined topic, for research purposes. 28,29 While not aligned to a particular qualitative methodology (for example, grounded theory or ...
A Case Study One case study will be used as an example of focus-group research throughout this article. Participants in the case study were undergraduate students who were asked to take part in some institutional research that was intended to inform university policy on the provision of its IT resources. The case study was published in Studies ...
A focus group is a research method or technique that is used to collect opinions and ideas regarding a concept, service, or product. Follow the below steps to conduct it: A researcher must be careful while recruiting participants. Members need adequate knowledge of the topic so that they can add to the conversation.
Based on your research goal or goals, this guide should include a list of focus group questions or topics you want to cover during the session, and strike a good balance between structured and flexible - so you can gather the data you need while not discouraging spontaneous conversation. 6. Conduct the focus group.
Focus groups use a group setting to generate data different to that obtained in a one-to-one interview. The group context may allow for better examination of beliefs, attitudes, values, perspectives, knowledge and ideas. Focus groups can be useful in action research methodology and other study designs which seek to empower research participants.
ISBN: 9781446248645. Publication Date: 2015-10-01. This sharp, stimulating title provides a structure for thinking about, analysing and designing case study. It explores the historical, theoretical and practical bones of modern case study research, offering to social scientists a framework for understanding and working with this form of inquiry.
A focus group is a qualitative research method that involves facilitating a small group discussion with participants who share common characteristics or experiences that are relevant to the research topic. The goal is to gain insights through group conversation and observation of dynamics. In a focus group: A moderator asks questions and leads a group of typically 6 to 12 pre-screened ...
What Is a Focus Group? Definition: A focus group is a qualitative, attitudinal research method in which a facilitator conducts a meeting or workshop (typically about 1-2 hours long) with a group of 6-9 people to discuss issues and concerns about their experiences with a product or service. The term "focus" relates to the role of the facilitator, who maintains the group's focus on ...
Qualitative Research: Introducing focus groups. This paper introduces focus group methodology, gives advice on group composition, running the groups, and analysing the results. Focus groups have advantages for researchers in the field of health and medicine: they do not discriminate against people who cannot read or write and they can encourage ...
Focus groups have been widely used in health research in recent years to explore the perspectives of patients and other groups in the health care system (e.g., Carr et al., 2003; Côté-Arsenault & Morrison-Beedy, 2005; Kitzinger, 2006). They are often included in mixed-methods studies to gain more information on how to construct questionnaires ...
Social science researchers can derive multiple benefits from using focus groups. One is that focus groups are an economical, fast, and efficient method for obtaining data from multiple participants (Krueger & Casey, 2000), thereby potentially increasing the overall number of participants in a given qualitative study (Krueger, 2000).Another advantage to focus groups is the environment, which is ...
A focus group, a cornerstone of qualitative research employed in market research and social sciences, gathers a select group of 6 to 10 participants. This method facilitates a guided discussion led by a skilled moderator, aiming to delve into participants' opinions, perceptions, and attitudes regarding a specific topic.
Despite the well-documented advantages of focus group data collection, modern challenges for qualitative health researchers exist. Health research funding is increasingly competitive, recruiting health-care professionals to participate in qualitative health research is challenging due to increasing busyness in clinical environments, vast geographical distances between research sites hinder ...
Focus Group Discussion as a Tool to Assess Patient-Based Outcomes, Practical Tips for Conducting Focus Group Discussion for Medical Students—Learning With an Example ... Strategies for improving patient recruitment to focus groups in primary care: a case study reflective paper using an analytical framework. BMC Med Res Methodol. 2009; 9:65 ...
A Case Study. One case study will be used as an example of focus-group research throughout this article. Participants in the case study were undergraduate students who were asked to take part in some institutional research that was intended to inform university policy on the provision of its IT resources.
Practitioners and researchers are conducting more focus groups online as a qualitative data collection method, yet rigorous methodological studies investigating the diversity of findings versus traditional in-person focus groups are limited. Previous studies primarily focused on health topics, varied on topic scope (broad to sensitive), format ...
Our study sample consisted of 350 African-American men living in Durham, North Carolina. Participants were randomized into either a focus group arm or individual interview arm, and were asked the same open-ended questions about their health-care seeking behavior.
This group is ideal for restaurant focus groups focusing on franchises. The more successful these locations become, the more consumers will demand. But what makes the ideal location for a franchise? Thankfully, management teams will be able to answer these questions based on data from evaluation groups. Restaurant Focus Group Case Study
A CASE STUDY ON THE USE OF FOCUS GROUPS AS PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH Tim Biello Dr. James (Sandy) Rikoon, Thesis Advisor ABSTRACT Participatory approaches to research involve the commitment of a researcher, as well as those supporting the researcher (i.e., academic institutions, funding
Other studies have used focus group discussion to clarify and extend findings, such as motivations for different resource use regimes (Harrison, Baker, Twinamatsiko, ... This is usually the case when working with non-sedentary households especially in the rangelands (e.g. 200). Where such communities or research subjects are involved ...
A strength of our study was the use of individual and focus groups interviews, which enabled a comprehensive exploration of individual and group views on emotional labour of NH professionals. Including professionals involved in direct care and leaders, i.e. nurse and medical coordinators, enabled to capture a diverse set of experiences and ...
This case study describes how the Department of Chemical Engineering at Bath has foregrounded student voice when developing climate and sustainability teaching. It emphasises the link between sustainability and social justice in this context. ... Case study: Student focus groups in Chemical Engineering map path to enhanced climate and ...
case study Relentless focus on participant experience and outcomes We worked closely with the plan sponsor and lifted participant engagement and promoted financial wellness, while looking beyond just the enrollment numbers to deferral rates, investment selections and Qualified Default Investment Alternative utilization rates.
A group has solidarity to the extent that its members are disposed to: (1) share values, aims, or goals; (2) care about those values, aims, or goals; (3) act in accordance with those values, aims, or goals; (4) trust the testimony of other group members with respect to those values, aims, and goals; and (5) feel a sense of belonging to the ...
Issued on: 18 September 2024Deadline: 26 September 2024The World Health Organization (WHO) is seeking regulators and regulatory experts to serve as members on Technical Advisory Group on clinical and policy considerations for new Tuberculosis (TB) vaccines. This "Call for experts" provides information about the advisory group in question, the expert profiles being sought, the process to ...